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Die EG-Sanktionen gegenüber Südafrika haben viel Aufmerksamkeit gefunden, wesentlich weniger Notiz nahm man jedoch von den Maßnahmen der EG zur Unterstützung der sogenannten Frontlinien-Staaten, um die regionalen wirtschaftlichen Ungleichgewichte im südlichen Afrika zu reduzieren. Hierauf konzentriert sich dieser Beitrag: Projekte der SADCC-Staaten, deren Finanzierung durch die EG (einschließlich der humanitären Programme für die Opfer der Apartheid) und Bewertung der bislang erkennbaren Ergebnisse. (DÜI-Hlb)

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В статье рассматриваются особенности нормативно-правового регулирования системы интеллектуальной собственности (ИС) в России. Отмечается тесная связь национального и международного законодательства в сфере ИС, что отчасти явилось следствием членства России в ВТО, а также участием страны во всех основных международных договорах, затрагивающих регулирование объектов интеллектуальной собственности. Делается вывод, что существующее на сегодняшний день российское законодательство находится в соответствии с минимальными мировыми стандартами защиты ИС, отвечает международным требованиям, однако в полной степени не отражает современные тенденции развития и глобализации мировой экономики ; The article discusses normative and legal regulation of the system of intellectual property in Russia, stresses the close connection between the national and the international legislation in this sphere, which partly resulted from Russia's joining of WTO, as well as the country's participation in all key international treaties related to the regulation of intellectual property objects. The author concludes that the current Russian legislation corresponds to the minimal international standards of intellectual property protection, and meets the international requirements in this sphere, which, however, does not fully reflect the contemporary tendencies of development of globalization of the global economy

The high-risk of the rapidly spreading COVID-19 virus worldwide created a necessity for developing a diagnostic tool designed to predict economic development, considering the risks of spreading the coronavirus epidemic. In the proposed research, China is selected strategically due to the U.S. "Buy American" trade policy. Also, the European Union presents various trade barriers for countries of Eastern Europe. The risk-versus-economic efficiency study is performed based on Fibonacci law utilizing trade-dynamic indicators with incorporating the SIR-model used to predict the dynamics of COVID-19 cases in the region. The research was performed based on data collected for the period of March-July 2020. As a result, a scientific model to predict the dynamics of trade volume between China and selected Eastern European countries is developed. The results obtained have a practical application and can be used for government institutions and economic agencies to determine their nation's short- and long-term international trade strategy.

This study presents the UN's narrative in the construction of the post-war world. Spanning a period of more than 70 years, this narrative is described through the parallel narrative of football as the game that everyone can play and win, regardless of size, attributes and abilities. Using the language of football through the words of Eduardo Galeano, the paper reveals a common history with different aspects, which is read largely in the light of Michel Foucault's thinking. In this respect, the UN is approached as fully adapted to a sovereign rationalism that organises reality by ordering each category of (international) political practice and discourse in terms of surveillance and suppression, while at the same time wielding, through its choice of strategies and techniques, a power that has a reformative and productive side. The basic aim of this study is to demonstrate, through the analogy with football, the dual nature of the UN through its application of technologies of power over the course of its lifelong operation.

While disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) have become integral statebuilding tools in post-conflict states, the existing empirical literature examining their relationship has focused on supply-side considerations related to the programming of both processes. In practice, though, DDR and SSR are implemented in the wider context of war-to-peace transitions where the state is attempting to establish a monopoly over the use of force and legitimize itself in the eyes of domestic and international communities. This paper therefore assumes that to identify opportunities and constraints for establishing closer practical linkages between DDR and SSR it is important to take the local politics into consideration. It examines two past externally driven peacebuilding interventions in West Africa, namely Liberia and Sierra Leone, featuring cases in which the central state had essentially fragmented or collapsed. Through this comparative analysis, the paper aims to provide a stepping-stone for future studies examining demand-side considerations of DDR and SSR in post-conflict contexts.

Turkish foreign policy has experienced massive alterations after the end of Cold War. This has been most evident in Turkey's relations with Turkic nations in Central Asia and the Caucasus, all of which gained independence from the USSR. This article aims to provide a thorough analysis on this issue. First, the article explores the ethnicity concept and applies it to the relations between Turkey and Turkic nations. Then, it examines Turkey's relations with other regional and international powers, namely Russia, the USA, and Iran, through the lenses of Central Asia and the Caucasia. Finally, the article questions the often monolithic view of Turkic nations in the eyes of the Turkish public and delves into the rich yet diverse bilateral relations between Turkey and each Turkic state. To this end, it analyzes Turkey's political, economic, and cultural ties with Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Carefully going over all of these subjects, the article intends to illustrate the multifaceted nature of Turkey's relations with Turkic nations and the prospects and obstacles ahead.

Scholars and journalists have periodically referred to Germany and its military, the Bundeswehr, as normalizing. The trend, which is defined here as the increasing frequency and intensity of out-of-area military operations, is contested among international relations scholars, and this debate reaches the core of the three main theories outlining drivers of state behavior. This paper analyzes the underlying causation of normalization from these schools of thought by considering the decision-making process leading to Germany's participation in multilateral military operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Afghanistan. Including neorealism, neoliberalism, and constructivism, these theories are first divided into rationalist and constructivist classifications. In the former case, this paper finds both supporting and contradicting evidence. This leads to the claim that an alternative theory is needed to more accurately explain state security decision-making. In the latter classification, the constructivist concept of political culture is tested as this alternative. However, where neorealism and neoliberalism fail to sufficiently outline what actors actually do, constructivism is equally disadvantaged in predicting what should do.

Research on West African migration has tended to focus on specific 'crisis migration' issues, such as trafficking, international refugee flows or irregular migration to Europe. This reflects rather Eurocentric policy priorities, since these forms of West African migration are actually relatively small in comparison with intra-regional migration. Indeed, for every 20 migrants who board trains and buses to West African destinations, only one will try to get on a boat to Europe. Therefore, the paper will focus on the migration from poorer to richer zones within the sub-region, specifically the composition of flows as well as ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) policy measures for mobility facilitation. Furthermore, the paper outlines future challenges and possibilities for West African migration, with West African nation states having experienced a demographic shock, high unemployment, and thus increased mobility pressures (both intra- and extra-regional). The analysis leads to a conclusion of why the European Union - based on a developmental perspective - should also be concerned with 'conventional' intraregional migration in West Africa.