Search results

"This paper examines how political institutions and local power structures interact with and influence local public resource allocation in the Indian state of Karnataka. We use data from 80 village councils and 225 villages to examine how this local political economy influences the allocation of public resources. Our empirical strategy exploits certain features of a policy that mandates representation for historically disadvantaged groups, including the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST), in village councils. These features imply that representation is a nonlinear function of the demographic shares of these groups. Controlling for the latter allows us to identify the role of local power structures through the effect of social identities and the associated relative bargaining powers of different caste groups. We find that the design of political institutions matters to resource allocation. Although a formula-bound allocation of fiscal grants to the village councils was successfully implemented, the within-council allocation governed by a legislative voting process reveals severe targeting failures. Importantly, we find that these targeting failures reflect elements of elite capture. Villages represented by politicians belonging to the SCs and STs get fewer fiscal resources. We also find evidence that villages represented by the politically dominant castes are likely to get more resources. Taken together, these results suggest that the capture of decentralized institutions by the local elite skews public resource allocation. The results also suggest that the use of a formula might lead to a more equitable intervillage allocation of public resources." --from authors' abstract ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; Subtheme 5.2; GRP37 ; DSGD

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

pt. 1. Linking local practices to wider social processes -- pt. 2. Researching identities and identities in research practice -- pt. 3. Taking account of trajectories : multilingualism across social spaces -- pt. 4. Visual and semiotic perspectives on multilingualism -- pt. 5. Interpreting voices from the classroom -- pt. 6. Building researcher-researched relationships.

The objective of this qualitative research was to study the lived experiences of child abuse and neglect for immigrant Latino fathers whose children are involved in the child protection process. We documented the narratives of nine immigrant Latino fathers attending fatherhood groups regarding their perceptions of child abuse and neglect.The immigrant Latino fathers highlighted their lack of agency and marginalization due to acculturative parenting stress, structural discrimination, and immigration status. They are burdened with physical and emotional pain that diffuses into their children's lives and results in unhealthy coping strategies. The Latino fathers faced everyday microaggressions, racial abuses, and discrimination due to their agency and role as Latino immigrants. They chronicled their frustrations dueto distrust of the mainstream social service providers, police, immigration officials, and abuse meted on them due to their marginalized identities. We provide practice and policy recommendations for professionals working with immigrant Latino families.

THE WORLD'S POOR AND OPPRESSED WAGE INVISIBLE WARS AGAINST THE HUMAN ENVIRONMENT: POVERTY, MALNUTRITION, STARVATION, RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, VIOLENCE, ETC. INEQUITIES AND DISTORTED DEVELOPMENT PATTERNS PAVE THE WAY FOR WARS, VISIBLE AND INVISIBLE. PREPARING SOCIETIES FOR LIFE IN PEACE INVOLVES BOTH DEMILITARIZATION AND ELIMINATION OF THE UNDERLYING CAUSES OF WAR.

The study of identities struggles to capture the moments and dynamics of identity change. A crisis moment provides a rare insight into such processes. This paper traces the political identities of the inhabitants of a region at war–the Donbas–on the basis of original survey data that cover the four parts of the population that once made up this region: the population of the Kyiv-controlled Donbas, the population of the self-declared "Donetsk People's Republic" and "Luhansk People's Republic," the internally displaced, and those who fled to the Russian Federation. The survey data map the parallel processes of a self-reported polarization of identities and the preservation or strengthening of civic identities. Language categories matter for current self-identification, but they are not cast in narrow ethnolinguistic terms, and feeling "more Ukrainian" and Ukrainian citizenship include mono- and bilingual conceptions of native language (i.e. Ukrainian and Russian).

AbstractInternational migrations are transforming the urban landscape in cities all around the world. In this article I address the effect of Cape Verdean migration on the built environment of Lisbon's periphery. Specifically, I analyse a traditional practice of mutual aid originating in rural Cape Verde, the djunta‐mon system, as a device of migrant urbanism projected onto the urban landscape of the Cova da Moura neighbourhood. In this article, which is based on ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss the role of the djunta‐mon in the urban evolution of the neighbourhood from its formation in the 1970s to the present day. The data collected shows that this practice has had an important effect on the appropriation, functional delimitation and significance of the urban space by residents. The results thus point to the importance of understanding how the cultures and identities of human groups crystallize through the processes of social production of space.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/americania/article/view/2906 ; El presente artículo aborda el tema de las identidades políticas que se desarrollan dentro de las colectividades de castellanos y leoneses que emigran a América en el periodo que va desde los años ochenta del siglo XIX a mediados del siglo XX, especialmente dentro de las asociaciones que conforman. Dichas identidades van a estar condicionadas por los estímulos procedentes de los lugares de partida, donde se empieza a desarrollar un incipiente regionalismo castellano, castellano-leonés o leonés, débil y escasamente articulado y que en nada cuestiona la superior identidad nacional española, compatible asimismo con una persistente identidad provincial. Igualmente, las identidades que se recrean tienen que ver con el contexto de confrontación identitaria con otros colectivos nacionales en los lugares de llegada, también con otros grupos de emigrantes españoles. La complejidad identitaria se pone especialmente de manifiesto en algunas asociaciones como el Centro Región Leonesa de Buenos Aires. ; This article deals with political identities emerging in the communities of Castillian and Leonese migrants upon their arrival in America from the 1880s until the mid-twentieth century, the associations they founded examined in particular. These identities were conditioned by stimuli from the places of origin, where Castillian, Castillian-Leonese or Leonese regionalism began to flourish, weak and sparsely articulated, not questioning the notion of a superior Spanish national identity, otherwise compatible with a persistent provincial identity. In the same way, the identities recreated arose from the context of confrontation with other national collectives in the places of destination, as well as with other groups of Spanish migrants. Complex issues of identity reveal themselves especially in associations like the Leonese Regional Centre in Buenos Aires. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

Durante el gobierno de Carlos Menem, se llevó a cabo un proceso de transformación estructural que profundizó en la aplicación de un modelo de acumulación pro-mercado, iniciado a mediados de los años ´70. Partiendo de un marco macroeconómico global con eje en un abordaje teórico de matriz discursiva, el objetivo general de este trabajo consiste en analizar la relación política establecida entre el Estado y los grupos econó­micos vinculados al sector industrial. Más específicamente, se propone indagar en las diversas modalidades de intervención estatal y sus efectos correlativos en las transformaciones ideológicas y socioeconómicas de la cúpula empresarial industrial, durante el primer gobierno menemista (1989-1995), intentando dilucidar su vin­culación con el proceso de legitimación política de las reformas neoliberales desarrolladas durante esa etapa.

Bibliography: pages 511-522. ; To understand the intricacies of white rightwing politics in South Africa, an in-depth analysis of the roots, strength, policies and strategies of a very small but potentially potent sector of South Africa's diverse population is required. The aim of this dissertation is to provide an objective analysis of interlinking issues associated with the rightwing, the gathering and logical presentation of empirical data, the critical discussion of theories relating to ethnicity, and the provision of a framework in which to evaluate further developments in the sphere of rightwing politics. The thesis is concerned with an assessment of the white rightwing movement as a potentially disruptive element within the process of transformation to a democratic dispensation in South Africa. It argues that Afrikaner ethno-nationalism is the driving force of the rightwing, and discusses this phenomenon in the context of its historical roots, its class base, and its ethnic component. The thesis relies on the theoretical framework of Horowitz, which suggests that the rightwing should be analyzed in terms of a collective drive for power, which in turn could be used to confirm the social status of the Afrikaner ethnic group. It is argued that in the rightwing view, the best way to confirm Afrikaner social status and to protect the group from domination by other ethnic groups and races, is through self-determination. To achieve this goal, the rightwing has placed heavy emphasis on territorial aspects and has structured its territorial demands on the basis of achieving ethnic homogeneity in the Afrikaner 'fatherland'.

Using in-depth interviews with punk women growing old disgracefully, Way explores how women construct punk identities. Reflecting on punk 'then' and 'now', they reveal the constraints punk women experience on their identities growing older, the complex relationship between appearance and dress, and the impact of social expectations around aging.

Abdullah Abdurahman is best-known in South African historiography for his four-decade career as the first coloured City Councillor of Cape Town and the President of the African Political Organisation. However, most literature on Abdurahman lack study on the personal and intimate life that animated his politics. Often painted as a tragic narrative of a dynamic man who failed in his struggle against racial segregation in the first half of the twentieth-century, Abdurahman is largely neglected in South African historiography. This project is a partial biography of Abdurahman focused on examining his personal and family life. Research for this project began with the exploration of the well-known Abdurahman collections at the University of Cape Town and Northwestern University and then expanded to include British, American, and Turkish records. This thesis follows a thematic structure, focusing on Abdullah as a son, a doctor, a husband and a father, with a final chapter focusing on Abdullah's many identities. Through the biographical method, this thesis explores the changes and continuities in coloured, Cape Malay, Indian and Muslim politics, attitudes, and identities at the Cape from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. The complications and nuances brought about by the ways identities intersect with race, gender, class, religion and other ethos are revealed by focusing on the personal and the intimate. Situating Abdullah Abdurahman within global flows of people, ideas, faith communities, and political ideologies, this thesis allows insight into how coloured, middle-class, Muslim families lived in the early twentieth century and the limits of nonracialism and political organisations of the time. By reincorporating Abdurahman's personal and family life into historiography, the influence of affect and emotions in politics, the import of childhood and early political socialisation, and the role of education in producing citizenship and subjectivity rise to the fore. This unveils themes of how political philosophies are generated, challenged, and transmitted between and across generations. This thesis argues for a transnational and trans-generational approach to considering the contributions of marginalised groups in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.