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AbstractSome women did not participate in the Women's March, rejecting its claims of unity and solidarity because white women mobilize only in their self‐interest. This is a form of exit with three features: (1) rejecting a political claim; (2) providing reasons to the power wielder and the broader public; and (3) demanding accountability both as sanction and as deliberation, which requires a discussion about the claim—in this case, the meaning of the group and the terms on which it understands itself. This combination of exit, voice, and deliberative accountability might accurately be called "discursive exit." Discursive exit addresses conceptual and normative limitations of standard accounts of exit, voice, and loyalty, in particular, when exit and voice are imperfect—because exit can be seen as disapproval of an entire cause—and morally problematic—because voice "from within" implies that cause trumps disagreement, leaving people morally complicit in an unwelcome exercise of power.

Many international organizations and the vast majority of federations lack exit clauses. Existing theoretical explanations of this stylized fact focus on issues of credible commitment, signaling, and the risk of strategic exploitation. However, such accounts are unable to explain the adoption of Article 50 by the European Union, which allows unilateral withdrawal. I theorize and demonstrate empirically that in the case of the European Union, an exit-voice logic lies at its origin during the 2002–2003 European Convention. As a protection to undesired policy changes post entry, countries of the 2004 Eastern accession demanded an exit right. Underlying the fear for policy changes was their much lower level of economic development and corresponding differences in policy preferences. As a mirror image, rich outliers like the United Kingdom and Denmark also supported Article 50, which likely contributed to its final adoption through the Treaty of Lisbon.

Das Gesellschaftsmodell der westeuropäischen Nachkriegsepoche war Ergebnis des Versuchs einer doppelten Versöhnung: zwischen Demokratie und Kapitalismus und zwischen Arbeit und Kapital. In allen westeuropäischen Ländern räumte die tatsächliche Verfassung von Staat und Wirtschaft den organisierten Großklassen der Industriegesellschaft einen privilegierten Status ein: Dachverbände von Arbeitnehmern und Unternehmen bildeten eine "zweite Regierungsebene", mit der sich die demokratisch gewählte staatliche Regierung weite Bereiche der öffentlichen Macht teilte, letztlich diente dieses Arrangement vor allem der Institutionalisierung der Gewerkschaften in einem sozialstaatlichen und "partnerschaftlichen" Kontext. Der vorliegende Beitrag betrachtet diesen "Euro-Korporatismus" im Kontext sowohl der Geschichte der europäischen Integration als Teil der Geschichte des Nachkriegskapitalismus in Westeuropa, als auch der Interaktion zwischen europäischer und nationaler Ebene der Politikformulierung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung. Die These dabei ist, dass die Entwicklung des Integrationsprozesses ebenso wie die des modernen Kapitalismus die Vorstellung obsolet gemacht hat, ein geeintes Europa könne politisch nach dem Muster eines klassenkorporatistischen Tripartismus von Staat, Unternehmen und Gewerkschaften organisiert werden. Im Gegenteil hat die europäische Integration in der Gestalt des "neoliberalen Projekts" wirksam zur Auflösung klassenkorporatistischer Strukturen auf der nationalen Ebene beigetragen, insbesondere - wie gezeigt wird - zur Schwächung oder gar Entmachtung der Gewerkschaften. (ICA2)

"This textbook by two leading experts looks at the realities and controversies of the European Union's cohesion policy: how effective it is, who it impacts, and what it says about the EU's governance at a wider level. At a time when more EU projects connected with cohesion policy are underway than ever before, and much of Europe is still responding to the effects of the global and eurozone crises, it is important to assess how the policy is benefiting eligible member states, and how it is perceived by European citizens. Taking account of recent developments as well as the changing priorities of the Commission and national governments across time, this comprehensive text is both up-to-date and historically grounded. It considers all aspects of the policy such as the criteria for eligibility; how it is funded; its role in strategies for development, growth and competitiveness; and how it is planned, implemented and evaluated. Furthermore, it examines how contemporary political and economic factors, such as the continuing influence of Germany in Europe and the growing north-side divide, will shape the future of cohesion policy. "--

Deploying deep learning services for time-sensitive and resource-constrained settings such as IoT using edge computing systems is a challenging task that requires dynamic adjustment of inference time. Multi-exit architectures allow deep neural networks to terminate their execution early in order to adhere to tight deadlines at the cost of accuracy. To mitigate this cost, in this paper we introduce a novel method called Multi-Exit Curriculum Learning that utilizes curriculum learning, a training strategy for neural networks that imitates human learning by sorting the training samples based on their difficulty and gradually introducing them to the network. Experiments on CIFAR-10 and CIFAR-100 datasets and various configurations of multi-exit architectures show that our method consistently improves the accuracy of early exits compared to the standard training approach. ; This work was partly funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 957337, and by the Danish Council for Independent Research under Grant No. 9131-00119B. This publication reflects the authors views only. The European Commission and the Danish Council for Independent Research are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 The Great Recession, the Eurozone Crisis and European Integration -- 2 European Identity -- 3 Legitimacy: Democracy, Accountability and Credibility -- 4 Solidarity: Winners and Losers in European Integration -- 5 Sustaining European Capitalism -- 6 Sustaining Europe's Global Role -- 7 Rethinking European Integration -- Conclusion: Rethinking the Choices for Europe -- References -- Index.