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Main description: Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte hat, wie kaum ein anderer Zweig der Zeitgeschichtsforschung, aber auch der Historischen Theologie, vielerlei und folgenreiche Methodenstreitigkeiten hinter sich. Einerseits analysiert die Disziplin kirchliches Handeln und konfessionelle Milieus mit historischen Mitteln, andererseits erfolgt ihr Urteilsbildung nach theologischen Kriterien. Daß sie aufgrund dieses doppelten Referenzrahmens mitten im Diskurs über Forschungsstrategien und Interpretationsregeln steckt, zeigt vorliegender Tagungsband, der gleichermaßen intensiv zwei Generalthemen nachgeht: Erstens den religiösen Ausdrucksformen unter den gesellschaftlich-kulturellen Rahmenbedingungen des NS-Regimes und zweitens den Urteilen und Einstellungen der Christen Europas und Nordamerikas zu den kirchlichen Verhältnissen in Deutschland 1934-1939. Aus dem Inhalt: Gerhard Besier: Einleitung: "Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich" als Thema internationaler kirchlicher Zeitgeschichtsforschung Religiöse Transformationen und Ausdrucksformen unter den veränderten gesellschaftlich-kulturellen Rahmenbedingungen des NS-Regimes Gerhard Ringshausen: Die Deutung des NS-Staates und des Widerstandes als Thema der Zeitgeschichte Hans Mommsen: Der Nationalsozialismus als säkulare Religion Julius H. Schoeps: Erlösungswahn und Vernichtungswille. Der Nationalsozialismus als Politische Religion Doris L. Bergen: Die Deutschen Christen 1934-1939 Thomas Fandel: Die Stellung von evangelischen und katholischen Pfarrern zum Nationalsozialismus am Beispiel der Pfalz Heide-Marie Lauterer: "Ja, das haben wir miterlebt, aber wir konnten dagegen ja nichts machen". Diakonische Werke und Verbände in der Konsolidierungsphase des NS-Gewaltregimes am Beispiel des Kaiserwerther Verbandes Klaus-Michael Mallmann: Die unübersichtliche Konfrontation. Geheime Staatspolizei, Sicherheitsdienst und christliche Kirchen 1934-1939/40 Michael Wolffsohn: Re-Judaisierung der Deutschen Juden 1933-1939? Eine neue Methode: Vornamen als vordemoskopsicher Indikator? Helmuth Kiesel: Das Verhältnis von Nationalsozialismus, Kirche und Religion in der Literatur der Jahre 1934-1939 Urteile und Einstellungen der Christen Europas und Nordamerikas zu den kirchlichen Verhältnissen in Deutschland (1934-1939) Karl Schwarz: "...Wie verzerrt ist nun alles!" Die Evangelische Kirche und der Anschluß Österreichs an Hitlerdeutschland im März 1938 Josef Smolík: Die tschechischen Kirchen in der Krise des Jahres 1938 und während der deutschen Andrew Chandler: Condemnation and Appeasement: The Attitudes of British Christians towards National Socialist Religious and Foreign Policies, 1934-1939 Frédéric Hartweg: Der französische Protestantismus und die kirchliche Entwicklung in Deutschland. Die Rezeption des Kirchenkampfes und die "Erbfeindschaft" Ingun Montgomery: Transformationen in Schwedens Kirche und Gesellschaft während der konsolidierten NS-Gewaltherrschaft (Herbst 1934 bis Herbst 1939) John S. Conway: The North American Churches Reactionas to the German Church Struggle

From the 1830s, Prussian conservatives started to contemplate the meaning of nationalism and national identity. The continuous efforts of liberals to bring about German national unification according to modern criteria, and the constant change in the social and economic structures, required the definition of nationalism on an alternative basis. In order to address the severe difficulties faced by society and to avoid national unification based on revolutionary foundations, Prussian conservatives defined German national identity on the basis of particular social relations and order, and on a unique version of religious devotion and designation. At the same time, however, the conservatives did not assign any political importance to these national peculiarities and continued to adhere to the traditional pattern of state and political authority. Such a definition of national identity was considerably different from the later fascist and racist national ideologies. In this regard, the conservative version of nationalism, as developed until the last quarter of the nineteenth century, cannot act as a precursor to National Socialism, as some historians have argued.

Intro -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Introduction -- The Subject -- Key Concepts -- Sources and Structure -- References -- 1 Economic Conditions of Indonesia and Vietnam in Pre-independence Era, 1910s-1945 -- 1.1 The Late Colonial Period -- 1.1.1 Racial Dimension -- 1.1.2 Economic Structure -- 1.1.3 Colonial Drain -- 1.2 The Japanese Occupation Period -- 1.2.1 Vietnam -- 1.2.2 Indonesia -- References -- Archival Sources -- Books and Articles -- 2 Vietnamese Nationalism and Socialism, 1945-1960s -- 2.1 The DRV Government -- 2.2 From Nationalism to Communism -- 2.3 Economic Transformation -- 2.4 Diệm's Nationalism -- References -- Contemporary Journals and Newspapers -- Books and Articles -- 3 The Indonesian Struggle for Survival, 1945-1949 -- 3.1 Economic Institutions -- 3.2 The Preferred Economic System -- 3.3 Economic Concessions -- 3.4 Early Economic Transformation -- 3.5 The Return of the Dutch -- References -- Archival Sources -- Contemporary Journals and Newspapers -- Books and Articles -- 4 The Indonesian Liberal Democracy, 1950-1957 -- 4.1 The Indonesian Cabinets -- 4.2 Re-formulating the National Economy -- 4.3 Indonesianisasi -- 4.4 Entrenched Dutch Position -- References -- Archival Sources -- Contemporary Journals and Newspapers -- 5 Indonesia's Guided Economy, 1957-1965 -- 5.1 The Military-Civil Administration -- 5.2 Ideological Basis of Guided Economy -- 5.3 Takeover and Nationalization -- 5.4 Business Engagement -- References -- Archival Sources -- Contemporary Journals and Newspapers -- Books and Articles -- Conclusion: Convergent Paths -- Par32 -- Appendix A Main Export Items in Indonesia, 1948-1959 (Rp. million) -- Appendix B Revenue and Expenditure of the Indonesian Government, 1960-1965 (Rp. million).

AbstractThis article examines the contending redefinitions of national identity in contemporary Germany's memorial culture, focusing particularly on the ensemble of monuments and parade fields known as the former Nazi Party rally grounds in Nuremberg. In a detailed case study, I analyse the recent conversion of one of the physical remnants of National Socialism – Albert Speer's transformer station – into a fast‐food restaurant and interpret this conversion as a novel contribution to the discourse on German nationhood. I argue that the provocative commercial reutilisation of the former Nazi monument gives expression to a renewed self‐confidence that Germany has gained from displaying a willingness to face up to its past as perpetrator nation. While the intervention thus deviates from the self‐indicting spirit that had been characteristic for Germany's memorial culture after World War II, an ironic note is conspicuous in this act of commemorative politics that indicates a way of dealing with the fascist legacy that is, surprisingly in some respects, superior to more conventional memory strategies.

This dissertation is conceived as a history of relations between Italy and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) through town twinning practices between the 1960s and 1970s. At the center of the study are the bonds which set seven Italian communist-oriented municipalities and local articulations of labor unions, located in Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Piedmont, in contact with their correspondents in East Germany. Methodologically, my research is grounded on the concept of translocality and on the adoption of a bottom-up, micro perspective on international relations during the late Cold War (chapter 1). Through the analysis of archival documents in both Italy and Germany, diaries, travel reports and also oral testimonies, it has been possible to explore the political meaning of these twinnings, their organization, strategic dimension and collocation in the national and international networks (chapters 2 and 3). In particular, their specificities in terms of communist-led local administrations and their ideal conception have been researched (chapter 4). At this level, besides defining the actors and protagonists of the twinnings, I have investigated two main aspects. On the one hand, the concrete repercussions that twinnings had on territorial economies and technical-administrative realizations, mostly in Italy. Particular attention has been given to local welfare and social assistance (chapter 5). On the other hand, the sphere of microsociability and grassroots connections, with a focus on the shared memories of antifascism, war and Resistance, on the (communist) symbols of the past and the present and their strategic use, on reciprocal perceptions of the respective daily lives, as well as – through oral interviews – on the memories of the twinning experiences (chapter 6).

L'articolo si propone di analizzare le premesse e le vicende politiche ed ideologiche dell'Alte Sozialdemokratische Partei (ASP) nel momento più significativo della sua esistenza, tra il 1926 e il 1928. L'analisi prende le mosse da un'ampia ricognizione all'interno della stampa dell'epoca e dall'analisi dei contributi di carattere teorico comparsi su "Volksstaat", organo del partito. L'attenzione dell'articolo si sofferma in particolare su quel peculiare progetto di "socialismo nazionale", che tentò di conciliare socialismo, approvazione dello Stato e nazionalismo, elaborato dall'ASP con il fondamentale contributo di Ernst Niekisch. ; The article aims to analyze the conditions and the political and ideological events of the Alte Sozialdemokratische Partei (ASP) in the most significant moment of its existence, i.e. between 1926 and 1928. The analysis builds on an extensive examination of the contemporary press and of the theoretical contributions appeared on "Volksstaat", the party organ. The article focuses particularly on that special project of "national socialism", which attempted to reconcile socialism, State approval and nationalism and was developed by the ASP with Ernst Niekisch's fundamental contribution.

В статье анализируется влияние научно-технического прогресса на трансформацию политических режимов и путей общественного развития на примере германского национал-социализма, использовавшего методы технократического управления, с помощью которых наука и изобретательство стали наиболее прочными основами режима А. Гитлера. Показано, что научно-технологическое превосходство существенно опередило деградирующее политическое мышление и политическую мораль технократической элиты Германии. Это привело к краху идеологии нацизма, однако высокотехнологичный промышленный потенциал смог сохраниться. ; The article analyzes the influence of scientific-technical progress on the transformation of political regimes and the ways of social development by the example of German national socialism that used the methods of technocratic management, with the help of which science and invention became the most solid foundation for A. Hitler's regime. It is shown that the scientific-technological superiority significantly outpaced the degrading political thinking and political moral of the technocratic elite of Germany. That led to the crash of Nazism ideology; however the highly technological industrial potential managed to keep itself.

This book accompanies the first major museum exhibition devoted to a reconstruction of the infamous Nazi display of modern art since the presentation originated by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 1991. During the Nazi regime in Germany, "degenerate art" was the official term for much of the most important modern art of the day. "Degenerate art" was defined by the Nazi regime as artwork that was not in line with the National Socialists' ideas of beauty. Their condemnation extended to works in nearly every major art movement: Expressionism, Dada, New Objectivity, Surrealism, Cubism, and Fauvism. Banned artists included Max Beckmann, Paul Klee, and Oskar Kokoschka. Richly illustrated, Degenerate Art elucidates the historical and intellectual context of the notorious exhibition in Munich in 1937, which spurred the attack on modern art. The book contains reflections on the genesis and evolution of the term "degenerate art" and details of the National Socialist policy on art. Art works from the exhibition Degenerate Art are compared to works of art from The Great German Art Exhibition, which was held at the same time and displayed the works of officially approved artists. The book also presents the after-effects of the attack on modernism that are felt even today

Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der Geschichte eines Vorurteils – dass nämlich Homosexuelle zur Bildung einflussreicher, oft transnationaler Netzwerke tendierten, die gefährlich seien für "gesunde" nationale Politik. Die Untersuchung geht aus vom Skandal um einen Freundeskreis des deutschen Kaisers Wilhelm II. 1907/08 und vom österreichisch-ungarischen Spionagefall Redl 1913. Auf die 1934 ermordete SA-Führung um Ernst Röhm wird als herrschende "homosexuelle Clique" neues Licht geworfen. Weiterhin wird die Jagd auf homosexuelle "Verräter" in staatlichen Elitepositionen betrachtet, die in den 1950er und 1960er Jahren die USA und Großbritannien, aber auch die Bundesrepublik und die DDR prägte. Im Zuge sexueller Liberalisierung erlebte das homophobe Stereotyp einen Relevanzverlust. Doch noch 1983/84 konnte einer der ranghöchsten Bundeswehrgeneräle als angebliches homosexuelles Sicherheitsrisiko aus dem Amt gedrängt werden. Noch immer existieren heute Restbestände des alten Feindbildes

In article it is about a ratio of tactics of interaction between the Pan-German league formed during an era of the empire and the German national people's party – DNVP in the period of so-called "conservative revolution" of the Weimarrepublic. The Pan-German league under the leadership of Heinrich Class, postulating ideology of "Überparteilichkeit" (because of sharp rejection of republican system of the power) actually I promoted establishment of political party, considering it, as one of means fight against the republic. Thanks to the successful ideological and material support provided with Pan-Germans of DNVP that could enter into parliament, moreover, even to form the pro-government coalition.Resolutely adjusted new party leader – Alfred Hugenberg headed for rapprochement with national socialists, having upset the coalition with Pan-Germans. The behavior of Hitler who didn't wish to share the power with Hugenberg led to elimination at first of DNVP, and then and the Pan-German union. ; В статье речь идет о тактиках взаимодействия Пангерманского союза с Немецкой национальной народной партией в период так называемой «консервативной революции» или периода консервативной реакции в годы Веймарской республики. Пангерманский союз c идеологией «надпартийности» фактически содействовал учреждению политической партии, рассматривая ее, как одно из средств борьба с республикой. Благодаря успешной идеологической и материальной поддержке, обеспеченной пангерманцами НННП, та смогла войти в парламент, более того, даже образовать проправительственную коалицию.Сотрудничество с республикой НННП пангерманцы восприняли крайне негативно, стремясь повлиять на партию, сместив ее руководителя.Решительно настроенный новый лидер партии – Альфред Гугенберг взял курс на сближение с национал-социалистами, расстроив коалицию с пангерманцами. Поведение Гитлера, не пожелавшего делить власть с Гугенбергом, привело к ликвидации сначала НННП, а затем и Пангерманского союза.

After reviewing some economic & moral issues involved in the creation of a universal healthcare system in the US, the role of organized labor in the healthcare debate is explored. Despite a dwindling membership, it is argued that organized labor has the financial resources & a lobbying capacity greater than that of most other public interest groups, making it a potentially formidable force in health care reform. The "economic competitiveness" argument of labor leader Andrew Stern, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), is compared to the "Medicare for All" approach of the AFL-CIO & with advocates of a single-payer solution. The potential of a successful coalition of labor leaders from these varying camps to forge a united movement on behalf of universal healthcare is evaluated. K. Hyatt Stewart

The subject of the article are the views of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879–1946), professor of law at the University of Warsaw, on Italian fascism and German National Socialism. This Polish lawyer made a very interesting analysis of totalitarian systems. He was a supporter of the national method of interpreting law. He defined law as a product of the living conditions in a given country, "exclusive" to the solutions adopted in this field in other countries. He argued that the law cannot be invented, but only discovered through the exploration of specific living conditions. In his opinion, not all the law is to be found in the codes, so one should get to know a nation well to discover its laws. Cybichowski, as a supporter of the national-radical movement, looked at the German social and political transformations in the Third Reich with great sympathy. He was impressed by Adolf Hitler.