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The leading policy objective in EU differentiation underlying border controls, asylum and police cooperation has been to achieve the abolition of internal border controls to create a borderless European single market. Germany has been the main proponent kickstarting and maintaining this agenda through differentiation. For roughly two decades, differentiation has proved effective in abolishing internal border controls, integrating the related cooperation into EU structures, enlisting the cooperation of non-EU member states and producing joint policy outputs on asylum, external borders and police affairs. Yet, growing external migration challenges have undermined the effectiveness and legitimacy of existing arrangements, ushering in disintegration tendencies.

Abstract
This paper analyzes the impacts of product differentiation in general oligopolistic equilibrium with trade. With constant wages, when product differentiation increases, the extensive margins of home and foreign exports decrease, and the domestic and foreign scopes of variety in each industry increase unambiguously. However, the impact of product differentiation on the labor requirement of each firm is mixed. In general equilibrium, an increment of product differentiation increases the wage rate unambiguously if the total variety of goods is large enough in all industry. However, if all firms are single-product ones, an increment of product differentiation increases the wage rate unambiguously in general equilibrium.

This work wants to analyze, from the theoretical-conceptual architectural frame of the General Theory of Social Systems (TGSS), and problematize the relationships and the logical articulations between the system of politics, economics and law to observe what have been the hetero-descriptions of the democratic state in the periphery of modern society (1).The processes of functional differentiation characterizing the institutionalization of structures and expectations –normative, cognitive– in the evolutionary becoming of the State-nation, in Latin America, stabilized the logic of the patrimonial political centralism, so that the history of innumerable legal-political and economic reforms have been used rather to perpetuate the status quo than to change something (2). It's interesting to observe, for this reason, the developing of many forms of coordination and social development to achieve the desired modernity in the continent, from the presidential caudillism, Cepalian developmentalism (1950), military praetorianism (1970), till the forms of economical laissez faire (1990). These models have basically revolved around the valorization of the clientelistic political regime as a central space for the construction of democracy and the market (3). In this context, cognitive and normative expectations (law) have not managed to generate lasting political accommodations that facilitate sociopolitical evolution, where corporations, families and clientelistic caudillism continue to prevail, except the institutionalized expectations (4). The question then is not how 'democracy should be', but how is this possible in this periphery of modernity.

Date supplied by cataloger. ; Caption title: Differentiation of the Aryan, as seen in the English, French, German and Russian national types. ; Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois, 1892. ; Ms. ; Bound with: Carnahan, F. G. The religious and political decay of Rome coincident. 1892 -- Piatt, Herman S. The Niebelungenlied. 1892. IU-R

AbstractI study a horizontal differentiation model in which one of two attributes of a product, product fit and price, is more salient for a consumer than the other and different consumers can find a different attribute salient. The attribute that is more salient is determined by relative differences between the two products and is determined endogenously as a result of firms' pricing strategies. High (low) marginal costs soften (toughen) price competition between firms. Pass‐through rates are greater than 1 for some parameter values. Both industry‐ and firm‐level cost increases may be beneficial for firms.

To the extent that the social sciences have been concerned with thestratification of Latin American societies they have shown a well-knowntendency to dichotomize their structures into a small upper class of wealthy and powerful landowners and a poor and powerless lower class hetero-geneously composed of rural workers, urban proletarians, petty traders, artisans, and the like. As a rule, the emergence of new classes and thegrowing internal differentiation of emergent or traditional classes are somewhat reluctantly admitted only as the societies of Latin America have demonstrated the ability to depart from their agrarian tradition and topursue the irreversible course of modernization. There has been a strong inclination to ignore or to minimize those aspects of the social structure which suggest a higher degree of complexity than the stereotype of a two-class system seems to indicate.

The tension between the aim of creating sustainable multilateral region-building dynamics and the need to find more differentiated and flexible forms of cooperation has been ever-present in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The proliferation of different and partially overlapping initiatives in recent years - the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Union for the Mediterranean - is a plain expression of this tension. The 2011 episodes of regime-change in the Arab world have once again placed the debate about differentiation in EU's relations with Southern and E