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This article proposes that the work of the French sociologist of science, Bruno Latour, that conceptualises the political process in a highly pluralist society, can provide a useful starting point for a discussion on the politics of reconciliation. It is especially Latour's suggestion of an object-oriented politics that will be explored and applied to the South African situation. Subsequently, however, it is argued that Latour's politics of "reassembling" should be complemented by a politics of remembering. The latter notion is understood in a Platonic-Augustinian fashion – following the interpretation of the contemporary philosophical-theological movement of Radical Orthodoxy – as a diffuse recognition of the other within the self, whereby the politics of reconciliation is, in an important sense, broadened to encompass the interior, psychic and, ultimately, spiritual aspects of the relation between the self and the other. The paper concludes with some remarks on the role of the church as the narrative embodiment of reconciliation conceived as reassembling ánd remembering.

This article proposes that the work of the French sociologist of science, Bruno Latour, that conceptualises the political process in a highly pluralist society, can provide a useful starting point for a discussion on the politics of reconciliation. It is especially Latour's suggestion of an object-oriented politics that will be explored and applied to the South African situation. Subsequently, however, it is argued that Latour's politics of "reassembling" should be complemented by a politics of remembering. The latter notion is understood in a Platonic-Augustinian fashion - following the interpretation of the contemporary philosophical-theological movement of Radical Orthodoxy - as a diffuse recognition of the other within the self, whereby the politics of reconciliation is, in an important sense, broadened to encompass the interior, psychic and, ultimately, spiritual aspects of the relation between the self and the other. The paper concludes with some remarks on the role of the church as the narrative embodiment of reconciliation conceived as reassembling ánd remembering.

Initially, let me say that no man can write anything about Chesterton's Orthodoxy that will be better than reading or re-reading Orthodoxy itself. But the glory of the sun ought not to prevent us from seeing what is in its light. Indeed, if we see only the sun, we will see nothing else, which not seeing is neither the point of the sun nor of Chesterton. The temptation to "explain" Chesterton better than Chesterton explained himself is the hazard that comes with loving Chesterton. Though under no illusions, I freely confess to having succumbed to this insidious enticement frequently as I have written a monthly column, entitled Schall on Chesterton, for three decades now, plus numerous other essays that found inspiration in him, one way or another. Adapted from the source document.

The demise of Keynesianism leaves a void in economic thinking that is being filled not only by the Chicago monetarists but also by the lesser known 'Austrian school' of market liberalism, of which F. A. Hayek (right) is the leading living exponent. Norman Barry of the (private) University of Buckingham shows how it supplies new and radical solutions to unsolved problems of economic policy.

""ACKNOWLEDGMENT""; ""Dissent, Heterodoxy and Civilizational Dynamics: Some Analytical and Comparative Indications""; ""The Enemy Within: Idealism and Dissent in South Indian Hinduism""; ""On the Beginning of Sutta Pitaka (The BrahmajÄ?la Sutta)""; ""Orthodoxy and Philosophy in India: Philosophical Implications of the MÄ«mÄ?á¹?sÄ? School""; ""Dissent Through Holiness: The Case of the Radical Renouncer in Theravada Buddhist Countries""; ""Ancient Indian Political Theory and Contemporary Indian Politics""; ""India: A Syncretic Mode of Economic Legitimation""; ""COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES""

The book contains groundbreaking and immersive essays on crucial 20th Century scholars on social theory, discussed and analyzed from a radical, critical theory perspective. Aronowitz provides his unique and lauded critical eye toward the leading thinkers of our age, crafting an immersive set of essays on radical thought.

Agunah activism, a flagship struggle of Religious-Zionist feminism, links gender politics, Jewish-Orthodox politics, and national Israeli politics. This qualitative study focuses on agunah activists' strategies and conceptions of change, highlighting the complex ways religious women radically transform conservative contexts, complicated by intersections of religion, gender, and state. It examines dynamic boundary-work and how activists deploy the inner workings of "the Halakhic framework" to shift creatively between social positioning, ideological or cultural positioning, and a political positioning to create "change from within". My case study troubles the premise that religion and feminism are antithetical, and that distinct identities or set social locations predetermine social movements' frames or actions. I expand upon the term "tempered radicals" which challenges reformist/revolutionary and conservative/radical binaries. "Tempered radical" strategies are two-pronged: a tempered mode of modulation and moderation to rock the boat without falling out (avoid the red lines, find "the right way") and a radical mode of stirring the sea and creating horizons (arrive there, one way or another). Dynamically holding both modes together, through a "multifocal lens"—the world-as-it-is and the world-as-it-should-be—enables their strategic maneuverings. They remain "within" while radically transforming individuals, communities, Jewish law, Orthodox society and the Israeli public sphere. This study demonstrates how religious and gendered structures are at once constitutive and mutable.

AbstractUnprecedented liquidity injections by central bankers have gained legitimacy in recent years to stave off economic crisis and enjoy strong support from prominent economists and economic historians. Such radical action by central bankers is underpinned by a remarkable agreement on a specific interpretation of the Great Depression of the 1930s in the US, an interpretation proposed by Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz in A monetary history of the United States (1963). This article explores the origins, the limits, and the influence of A monetary history's interpretation of the Great Depression for the insights it offers on theory and history in the study of economic life. The book was inspired by Wesley Clair Mitchell's mobilization of historical research to insist on the inherent instability of capitalism. Friedman and Schwartz exploited the heretical potential of historical research to dismiss any claim that the crisis reflected a systemic dysfunction of the US economy. Now that their interpretation has become our orthodoxy, this article shows how we can develop the fertile link between history and heresy to open up new lines of research on the causes of the greatest crisis in the history of capitalism.

The radical socio-political changes in the wake of the fall of communism in many predominantly Orthodox countries of Eastern and Southeastern Europe have triggered an intense interest in formulating a specifically Orthodox Christian political theology in various forms. The present volume focuses on these developments, but also offers a panorama of the evolution of Orthodox political theologies across time, from early Byzantium until today. The contributions examine their historical background, consider their specific parameters, and critically assess their particular features. Given that political theology has a much more robust history within Western Christianity, some contributions contextualise the topic more broadly by comparing Orthodox with Western Christian political theologies. Considering that the analysis of the Orthodox side has been mostly neglected or ignored in the past, this volume aims at filling a serious gap in the related research.

Ohio's 2006 "Patriot Act" requires all potential public employees to answer six questions regarding "material support" for any groups on the U.S. State Department's Terrorist Exclusion List. Answering "yes" to any of these questions automatically precludes public employment with the state of Ohio. Although not supporting terrorist groups seems like a reasonable request for public employees, the oath-taking denies the presumption of innocence that is a cornerstone of American law: if a person fails to swear innocence, they are automatically presumed guilty. This article looks at the history of loyalty oaths in America from the pre-colonial Puritans to the Ohio Patriot Act, & efforts to resist them by groups such as the ACLU. Adapted from the source document.