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Given the host of tragic events that children experience, it is often compelling for well-intended adults to respond in a protective and charitable fashion. The child rights approach asks for more. Building on their collective experiences in the developmental and social sciences, the authors present in roughly chronological fashion a synopsis of the theoretical explorations and scientific evaluation that completes a framework to advance the status of children as citizens. The recognition of the agency and capability of a child and the dynamic and enduring source of socialization from and social integration within the community are fundamental to this project. The participatory rights enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child serve as an impetus and inspiration to this project, the Young Citizens Program. What began with small-scale deliberative groups in Chicago matured into a cluster randomized controlled trial in northern Tanzania. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Given the host of tragic events that children experience, it is often compelling for well-intended adults to respond in a protective and charitable fashion. The child rights approach asks for more. Building on their collective experiences in the developmental and social sciences, the authors present in roughly chronological fashion a synopsis of the theoretical explorations and scientific evaluation that completes a framework to advance the status of children as citizens. The recognition of the agency and capability of a child and the dynamic and enduring source of socialization from and social integration within the community are fundamental to this project. The participatory rights enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child serve as an impetus and inspiration to this project, the Young Citizens Program. What began with small-scale deliberative groups in Chicago matured into a cluster randomized controlled trial in northern Tanzania.

This study explores the growing interest of governments in co-production and self-organisation by examining the framing of roles and responsibilities of citizens and professionals in care reforms. As in many other western countries, the Dutch welfare state is subject to major reforms, shifting responsibilities back towards society. A qualitative content analysis of policy letters of the Dutch national government shows that newer roles (citizen-as-co-producers) do not substitute traditional roles (citizen-as-clients), but constitute a new layer resulting in an expansion and diversification of roles for regular providers. Activating, supporting and partnering with citizens are framed as new competences of professionals.

This study explores the growing interest of governments in co-production and self-organisation by examining the framing of roles and responsibilities of citizens and professionals in care reforms. As in many other western countries, the Dutch welfare state is subject to major reforms, shifting responsibilities back towards society. A qualitative content analysis of policy letters of the Dutch national government shows that newer roles (citizen-as-co-producers) do not substitute traditional roles (citizen-as-clients), but constitute a new layer resulting in an expansion and diversification of roles for regular providers. Activating, supporting and partnering with citizens are framed as new competences of professionals.

Presidential oversight is a core citizen duty, yet competence is rarely assessed. I use 855 interviews conducted during the final Bush and initial Obama terms to test a novel citizen oversight assessment tool: a classification matrix created by juxtaposing historically important presidential assessment values (effectiveness, morality, and prudence) against equally familiar evaluative "targets" (presidential traits, actions, and results). Eighty‐one percent of mentioned evaluative criteria fit the matrix, establishing its construct validity and enabling meaningful assessment of citizen competence. The yield is (1) a cross‐time record of how Americans judge presidents and (2) new findings concerning the comparative importance of presidential results and actions, citizen sensitivity to presidential differences, and the worrisome rise of partisanship.

This article reports progress on developing a theory of public participation that may prove useful to administrative bodies. The authors review a theory of public participation based on Habermas's theory of communicative action and then reconsider the theory in light of a case study. Participants of a forest policy-making process reported their perceptions of a good process, and the authors used grounded theory methodology to induce criteria of good process. By contrasting the case study results with the theoretical criteria, insights are left into the strengths and shortcomings of the theory.

The aim of the study is to form a systematic approach to understanding and resolving a set of tasks of police activities that guarantee the rights and freedoms of citizens in modern society. It was concluded that the most typical negligence in this area includes violations of the rights and freedoms of citizens such as the installation of administrative actions against them without any sign of the crime, incorrect characterization of administrative infractions, the violation of the procedural order of administrative detention, cases of unjustified detention without preparation of reports, as well as exceeding the legal deadlines for administrative detention. Particular attention was paid to the set of means of appeal in proceedings concerning administrative offences, which may be referred to as the institution of the protection of citizens' rights and freedoms. Common European approaches to the legal regulation of policing and the influence of European Union law and decisions of the European Court of Human Rights on the guarantee of human rights and freedoms in policing were analyzed.

Research shows that most citizens are shockingly uninformed about public affairs, liberal-conservative ideologies, and the issues of the day. This has led most scholars to condemn typical American voters as politically brainless and to conclude that policy voting lies beyond their reach. 'On Voter Competence' breaks sharply from this view. According to Paul Goren, people vote based on abstract policy principles, a practice that has escaped scholars because they have searched for evidence of policy voting in the wrong places