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THE "LEADERLESS RESISTANCE" CONCEPT HAS LONG BEEN A SUBJECT OF INTERNAL DEBATE WITHIN THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT. IT EMERGED ORIGINALLY AS A PRESCRIPTION FOR IRREGULAR WARFARE AGAINST INVADING "COMMUNIST" TROOPS IN THE EARLY 1960'S. IN THE 1970'S AND EARLY 1980'S, IT WAS EMPLOYED BY A FEW OF THE MOST COMMITTED MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT AGAINST THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. THE TERM BECAME WIDELY KNOWN WITH THE PUBLICATION OF LOUIS BEAM'S "LEADERLESS RESISTANCE" IN 1992. IN THIS ARTICLE, THE AUTHOR TRACES THE HISTORY OF LEADERLESS RESISTANCE FROM ITS INCEPTION THROUGH ITS VARIOUS PERMUTATIONS IN THE DISPARATE IDEOLOGICAL CAMPS OF THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT.

As one of the foundational texts in the field of postcolonial writing, Barbara Harlow's Resistance Literature introduced new ground in Western literary studies. Originally published in 1987 and now reissued with a new Preface by Mia Carter, this powerfully argued and controversial critique develops an approach to literature which is essentially political. Resistance Literature introduces the reader to the role of literature in the liberation movements of the developing world during the 20th Century. It considers a body of writing largely ignored in the west. Although the book is organized according to generic topics - poetry, narrative, prison memoirs - thematic topics, and the specific historical conditions that influence the cultural and political strategies of various resistance struggles, including those of Palestine, Nicaragua and South Africa, are brought to the fore. Among the questions raised are the role of women in the developing world; communication in circumstances of extreme atomization; literature versus propaganda; censorship; and the problem of adopting literary forms identified with the oppressor culture.

How is one to understand contentious acts that open channels of participation while also making use of existing channels? Rightful resistance is a partly institutionalized form of popular action that employs laws, policies, and other established values to defy power holders who have failed to live up to some ideal or who have not implemented a popular measure. Analysis of opposition to cadre misconduct in rural China, supported by evidence from the United States, Norway, and South Africa, suggests that resistance can share a common dynamic despite its occurrence in strikingly dissimilar settings. Aggrieved individuals and groups turn to established principles to anchor their defiance; use legitimating myths and normative language to frame their claims; rely on existing statutes and government commitments when leveling their charges; and locate and mobilize advocates within officialdom. In differing contexts, a combination of rights talk, legal tactics, and open confrontation may induce power holders to surrender advantages in accord with principles that usually favor them. The cases examined further suggest that rightful resistance springs from rights consciousness and increases it and, finally, that it may be more consequential than most "everyday resistance" while remaining less risky than wholly uninstitutionalized defiance.

This is the story of a group of abolitionist lawyers who devoted themselves to working within a legal system that they considered to be fundamentally unjust and illegitimate. These "resistance lawyers" used the limited and unfriendly procedural tools of the hated Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 to frustrate, oppose, and, if possible, dismantle the operation of that law. Abolitionist resistance lawyers were forthrightly committed both to ensuring that their clients remained free and to using the cases that arose under the Fugitive Slave Law to wage a proxy war against the institution of slavery. Their daily direct service practices were inextricably linked to their movement politics and aspirations for systemic reform. Using new archival research that upends the existing historical consensus, I show that this linked practice was dramatically more effective than previously thought, both in protecting individual clients and as a means of building political opposition to slavery in local and national politics. This history should serve as a provocation for contemporary resistance lawyering. Many lawyers today practice within a legal system that they oppose in the hope of frustrating or dismantling that system. I suggest that today's resistance lawyers can learn from the abolitionists' integration of politics and daily practice as they fight to increase the political power and salience of their own work.

This reflection proposes a look at resistance fromtwo complementary theories: Edgar Morin's paradigm of complexity and Ilia Prigogine's theory of dissipative structures. Concepts, such as proto resistance, linear resistance, nonlinearresistance, also called: 'thermodynamic or complex resistance' are developed. Resistance is distinguished as a complexthermodynamic organization generating work-energy wearreorganization actions, which does not come down to social nonconformity, disobedience, or protest since it goes beyond the claim. Thus, it aspires to become a social movement capableof generating struggle fronts and organizations, whose practice, perseveres in the claim of dignity and the rights of oppressed social groups. Social resistance emerges as a result of sociopolitical repression, but social resistance does not come down to it, and therefore, it is not required as a foundation of struggle. Collectives often focus their struggles on vindicative actions. However, as a movement, resistance must foster pedagogies of resistance, which enable a political thought ofsubversion, rupture, and transformation, resistant to autocracy and impunity, capable of creating new forms of governance and coexistence.

Examines innovative use of laws, policies, and other officially promoted values to defy "disloyal" political and economic elites; examples of disputes involving cadre accountability in rural China. Some reference to grassroots agitation for equal pay in the US.

Abstract This paper problematizes the notion of "intent" through the concept of "involuntary resistance". Departing from the narratives of employees in nursing homes in Sweden during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, we suggest that neoliberal norms and a local management that capitalizes on social hierarchies (sex, age, class, etc.) were the context of the strong biopolitical state management that occurred due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The friction between different forms of governing became a seedbed for an involuntary resistance with an unclear intent against the state recommendations. This sheds light upon the need to (re)frame the current dominance of specific types of knowledge that are constructed in the field of resistance. We suggest that new paths of thought are needed—within social sciences—that work towards a wider conceptualizing of resistance, which embraces practices that lie outside the common thought of dissent.

AbstractThis paper problematizes the notion of "intent" through the concept of "involuntary resistance". Departing from the narratives of employees in nursing homes in Sweden during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, we suggest that neoliberal norms and a local management that capitalizes on social hierarchies (sex, age, class, etc.) were the context of the strong biopolitical state management that occurred due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The friction between different forms of governing became a seedbed for an involuntary resistance with an unclear intent against the state recommendations. This sheds light upon the need to (re)frame the current dominance of specific types of knowledge that are constructed in the field of resistance. We suggest that new paths of thought are needed—within social sciences—that work towards a wider conceptualizing of resistance, which embraces practices that lie outside the common thought of dissent.

The popularity of Pegida and success of the Alternative for Germany has raised the question of how Germany should respond to the New Right. This article argues that reading in archives has emerged as a sociopolitical act of resistance against far-right movements, and that archival reading across time, borders, and media has turned into a strategy to defend democratic ideals. As the New Right's rise also originates in an archival investment to control public opinion and policy, the practice of archivally reading today's far right shows that contemporary Germany is in the midst of renegotiating its cultural archive, memory, and democratic principles.

In recent years there have been expressions of anger and frustration against the Conservative and Liberal Democrat Coalition government and the predecessor New Labour government's neoliberalising policies. The momentum against government policies that immiserate a larger proportion of the population (whilst the income of the super rich globally grows at a staggering rate of 14% per year (Bower, 2013)), may seem to have diminished at present (summer 2013) but it is likely to rise, especially as direct action and local and national demonstrations continue, and as new webs and political formations of and strategies for resistance are created. As Gramsci (1971) observed, hegemony is never won outright, and the continuation of such struggles is important in building class consciousness. Whilst we recognise the powerful and growing penetration of the idea that there is no alternative (TINA) to austerity neoliberalisation, and the concomitant imposition of increasing severe sentences on those who revolt against (and not merely evade) the status quo, we believe that resistance must strengthen at the levels of ideas and activism. This belief impels this chapter. The chapter has four sections. First we outline the current political landscape that has been moulded by the ruling capitalist class embarking on an aggressive policy agenda to expand, accelerate and deepen the reality and ideology of neoliberalisation. We examine expressions and demonstrations of public anger that are resisting the neoliberal and neoconservative status quo. We then, in section two, focus on the accumulation of anger/resistance and government/media responses to this. The third section focuses specifically on anger, activism, protest and resistance in education, at school, further/vocational college level and at university level.2. A brief fourth section reports on and analyses the current state of organisation and development of resistance to immiseration capitalism in England.

Ground Resistance was a multisite installation which examined the presence, absence and temporality through the developing 'smart city' of Milton Keynes. *** A unit in the centre.mk shopping mall was converted to house a large floor-projected map of Milton Keynes, displaying a constantly updating view of geo-located data related to the 'hard' infrastructures of the city, such as energy utilities, public services, and transport. The data is being drawn from the Open University's MK:Smart data hub, a citywide project of data collection, drawn from multiple industry and governmental sources. As with many such 'smart city' systems, many of these datasets update at wildly varying rates, making any one view of the city through the data a momentary one, rather than omniscient. In Ground Resistance, this friction of time in the 'always on' smart city is the lens through which the data is seen. Each data set constantly fades in and out of view, with its rate of disappearance matching the rate at which it updates; a data set which updates every one minute will appear and then slowly fade away over one minute. A speaker installation above the map correlates ringing bells to the locations on the map below. These sounds are also synchronised to the update rate of each dataset, their volume fading as the data ages, and rising again when a new update occurs. With each data set functioning at a different set of 'real time', this creates a generative sonic environment in the space which is defined by the often-overlooked temporal element of a data-oriented view of a city. Objects suspended above head height between the projector and the floor cast shadows which match the areas of Milton Keynes that the system has no data for, drawing audience attention to this absence. The shadows appear like voids, disrupting the usual seamlessness often seen in data visualisations. Through this installation, we highlight the non-unitary and often fragmentary view of cities when seen by the data they generate, which exists in conflict with the 'data solutionism' of popular dialog surrounding smart cities. *** At a satellite installation in the nearby National Museum of Computing at Bletchley Park, an intimate watching station uses low cost and mass-produced hardware alongside open-source software to examine how the people of the city can detect and monitor data embedded in radio signals to watch the logistical infrastructure which underpins smart city technologies. The installation is presented in the gallery dedicated to the demonstration and examination of the Colossus supercomputer, which is kept operating every day. *** Finally, an online component to the work views the open data around Milton Keynes as an overlaid map, allowing viewers to plan a public transport route across the city which negotiates the density of the data in the town as if it were a topological feature of it.