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CRITICS OF RESPONSIBLE POLITICAL PARTIES OFTEN POINT TO THE SORRY EXPERIENCE OF POLICYMAKING BY THE NATIONAL PARTIES, BUT THESE CRITICISMS ARE BASED UPON RATHER LIMITED EXAMINATIONS OF ACTUAL POLICYMAKING EFFORTS BY THE PARTIES. A MORE CAREFUL REVIEW OF THE POLICYMAKING EFFORTS OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE FROM 1956 TO 1960 AND OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE FORM 1976 TO 1980 SHOWS THAT THEY WERE MORE SUCCESSFUL THAN IS USUALLY THOUGHT. THESE PAST SUCCESSES SUGGEST THE POTENTIAL FOR CURRENT AND FUTURE PARTY LEADERS TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY.

ACCORDING TO SOME OF ITS PROMINENT REPRESENTATIVES, LIBERALISM TAKES NO POSITION ON QUESTIONS REGARDING THE HUMAN GOOD; ITS CONCERNS ARE INSTRUMENTAL OR PROCEDURAL. CRITICS SUBMIT THAT NO SOCIETY IS ACTUALLY EVER NEUTRAL ON SUCH QUESTIONS AND THAT IT IS THEREFORE BETTER TO BE SELFCONSCIOUS ABOUT THE CONCEPTION OF THE GOOD WHICH IS BEING TACITLY PROMOTED. SMITH CONSIDERS ARISTOTLE'S POLITICAL SCIENCE AS THE LOCUS CLASSICUS OF THE VIEW THAT POLITICAL LIFE CAN BE JUSTIFIED ONLY WITH REFERENCE TO SOME STANDARD OF HUMAN FLOURISHING AND GOOD CHARACTER. HE ARGUES ALSO THAT ARISTOTLE'S CONCEPTION OF NOBILITY IS MUCH MORE REALISTIC THAN HIS DETRACTORS MAY HAVE LED SOME OF US TO BELIEVE.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS ESSAY IS TO DISCUSS BRIEFLY INTER- ON" NATIONAL SCIENCE POLICY IN ORDER TO DRAW ATTENTION OF SCHOLARS TO A NEGLECTED AREA OF SCIENCE POLICY THAT DESERVES SERIOUS INVESTIGATION. TRANSGOVERNMENTAL INTERACTIONS, TRANSNATIONAL SCIENCE POLICY, INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE POLICY ANT INTERNATIONAL INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ARE DISCUSSED.