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When the state of Israel was formed in 1948, it precipitated the Nakba or 'disaster': the displacement of the Palestine nation, creating fracture-lines which continue to erupt in violent and tragic ways today. In the years that followed, while the Berlin Wall crumbled and South Africa abolished apartheid, the Israeli government rejected every opportunity for reconciliation with Palestine. But Raja Shehadeh, human rights lawyer and Palestine's greatest living writer, suggests that this does not mean the two nations cannot work together as partners on the road to peace, not genocide.

Yevgeny Prigozhin emerged as one of the most dangerous warlords in the world and as one of Vladimir Putin's chief rivals in Russia's tumultuous political climate, exiled after leading Wagner's attempted coup and killed in a mysterious plane crash. But what is the truth about this enigmatic figure, his role in the war with Ukraine, and the chaos unleashed across Russia by his turn against Putin? And, in the aftermath of his death, what is next for Russia in the new stage of late Putinism that Prigozhin's life forged? Drawing on years of research, this book traces the rise of Russia's most prominent non-state actor and examines the political climate that propelled a convicted gangster with no government office to the formidable role he came to occupy. An essential story of Russia's recent history, Downfall is also a compelling insight into its likely future.

What makes terrorism a unique form of political violence is its underground nature. According to the conceptualization of the phenomenon offered in this book, terrorism is the kind of violence carried out when the perpetrators lack territorial control. There is a strong link between terrorism and secret, clandestine operations, making terrorists attacks ephemeral, as opposed to battles and assaults. The book offers a comprehensive conceptual analysis of terrorism, comparing it with competing theories and views on the subject, such as terrorism is killing civilians, or terrorism is a form of violence that relies on the distinction between direct and indirect targets. The conceptualization advanced here makes sense of some peculiar traits of terrorism, from international attacks (in which the underground constraint is most obvious), to lone-actor ones (in which a single individual commits a deed). It also delimits the possibility of state terrorism as covert operations by security forces, normally abroad.Approaching terrorism in terms of the underground not only makes sense of how we talk about terrorism, but it also generates testable consequences. Through a combination of statistical and comparative analyses, it is shown that the use of terrorism is driven by the degree of asymmetry between the contending parties.

Die Ukraine und ihre internationalen Partner stehen vor einer gewaltigen Aufgabe: Nicht nur müssen sie den Wiederaufbau und den EU-Beitrittsprozess vorantreiben, sondern auch die Souveränität der Ukraine mithilfe militärischer und finanzieller Unterstützung im Kampf gegen den russischen Angriff verteidigen. Die Ungewissheit über den Ausgang des Krieges macht die Planung für den Wiederaufbau und den EU-Beitritt umso komplexer, unterstreicht aber auch, dass beide Vorhaben Hand in Hand gehen und sich gegenseitig verstärken sollten. Zu diesem Zweck hat die EU die Ukraine-Fazilität beschlossen. Damit stellt die EU der Ukraine bis 2027 verlässliche Finanzmittel für den Wiederaufbau und wichtige Reformen bereit, die für einen EU-Beitritt erforderlich sind. Der zentrale Fahrplan für die Umsetzung der Fazilität ist der sogenannte Ukraine-Plan der ukrainischen Regierung. Den Wiederaufbau und den EU-Beitritt gleichzeitig zu stemmen, könnte die Kapazitäten der ukrainischen Regierung und des Privatsektors überlasten, wodurch der Rückhalt in der Gesellschaft schwinden könnte. Um beide Prozesse bestmöglich zu verzahnen, sollten Entscheidungsträger*innen folgende Empfehlungen berücksichtigen: ● Prioritäten für kurzfristige Hilfe mit langfristigen Ambitionen setzen. Wiederaufbaumaßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Sicherheitslage, zur Deckung der Grundbedürfnisse der Bevölkerung und zur Stabilisierung der ukrainischen Wirtschaft sollten Vorrang haben. Bei den EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen sollten grundlegende Beitrittsvoraussetzungen ("fundamentals") und die Verhandlungskapitel, die Wirtschaftswachstum und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit fördern, priorisiert werden. ● Für einen inklusiven Ansatz in der Umsetzung des Ukraine-Plans sorgen. Deutschland und die Ukraine, die im Juni 2024 gemeinsam die Ukraine Recovery Conference (URC) ausrichten werden, sollten sicherstellen, dass auf dieser ein inklusiver Ansatz zur Umsetzung des Ukraine-Plans entwickelt wird, der über die diesjährige URC hinaus trägt. Eine Möglichkeit ist die Bildung themenspezifischer Bündnisse ukrainischer Akteure auf unterschiedlichen Verwaltungsebenen. ● Internationale Geber für den Ukraine-Plan gewinnen und Wiederaufbaubemühungen als Hebel für einen beschleunigten EU-Beitritt nutzen. Deutschland könnte als EU- und G7-Mitglied als verbindendes Element zwischen den EU- und Nicht-EU-Akteuren fungieren, die sich für den Wiederaufbau der Ukraine einsetzen. Die EU-Mitgliedstaaten sollten ihre bilateralen Hilfen für die Ukraine auf den Ukraine-Plan abstimmen. ● Maßgeschneiderte technische Hilfe bereitstellen und Kapazitätsaufbau ausweiten. Ukrainische und internationale Akteure sollten gemeinsam eine "Asset Map" erarbeiten, die Kapazitäten und ungenutztes Potenzial (z. B. in Bezug auf Infrastruktur, öffentliche Finanzen, Industrie und Handel) in bestimmten Regionen und Gemeinden sowie im Privatsektor erfasst und dabei die Entwicklungsstrategien der verschiedenen Verwaltungsebenen berücksichtigt. Die ukrainische Diaspora in den EU-Ländern sollte aktiv an diesen Prozessen beteiligt werden, jedoch ohne unrealistische Erwartungen hinsichtlich ihrer zeitnahen und vollständigen Rückkehr. ● Eine stufenweise EU-Integration der Ukraine vorbereiten. Die Bundesregierung sollte die europäische Debatte über mögliche Zwischenschritte auf dem Weg hin zur formellen EU-Mitgliedschaft weiter vorantreiben, wie etwa die schrittweise Integration der Ukraine in den EU-Binnenmarkt. ● Für eine offene und transparente Kommunikation sorgen. Aufbauend auf einem offenen und transparenten Dialog muss eine wirksame Kommunikationsstrategie gegenüber der ukrainischen Bevölkerung entwickelt werden, um deren Unterstützung für einen EU-Beitritt zu erhalten. Auch innerhalb der EU bedarf es einer effektiven Kommunikation, um den politischen Spielraum von Vetospielern einzugrenzen.

This Discussion Paper makes the case for universality in United Nations (UN) development work. So far, the UN development pillar has largely remained wedded to a 20th-century approach to development cooperation that centres on two groups of states and a one-way relationship between them: rich countries provide support to poor countries. However, the proliferation of global challenges, increasing levels of transnational interdependence, and the partial dissolution and reconfiguration of North-South dichotomies point to the need for a new rationale for international cooperation. Development-related challenges do not cease with a country's graduation to high-income status, and taming the externalities of high-income societies requires comprehensive global action. As a multilateral organisation with quasi universal reach, the UN cannot afford to ignore development processes in high-income countries if it wants to contribute to successful cross-border cooperation and strengthen the UN as a central node through which member states can effectively address global sustainability challenges. To give practical meaning to universality, the UN needs to provide intergovernmental spaces in which all states can meet on an equal footing. It needs to monitor challenges and facilitate solutions across all member states. And it needs to lead the way towards forms of global knowledge production where analysis and learning are not restricted by artificial North-South boundaries.

Seit einigen Jahren zeichnet sich ein besorgniserregender Trend ab: Autoritär geprägte Staaten entkoppeln sich zunehmend von den globalen Internet-Infrastrukturen durch den Aufbau eigener IT-Systeme und -Infrastrukturen. Mittelfristig könnte diese Entwicklung zu einer Aufteilung des Cyberspace in unabhängig voneinander funktionierende Teile führen. Eine solche Segmentierung kann Bestandteil strategisch-außenpolitischer Interessensdurchsetzung sein. Damit wird die ohnehin brüchige Stabilität des Cyberraums nachhaltig untergraben und das Risiko schwerwiegender Cyberattacken erhöht.

The alliance between the United States and South Korea has endured through seven decades of shifting regional and geopolitical security contexts. Yet it now faces challenges from within. Domestic political turmoil, including deepening political polarization and rising nationalism in both countries, has cast doubt on the alliance's viability-with critical implications for the balance of power in East Asia. Scott A. Snyder provides an authoritative overview of the internal and external pressures on the U.S.-South Korea alliance and explores its future prospects. He argues that nationalist leaders' accession to power could put past successes at risk and endanger the national security objectives of both countries. In the United States, "America first" nationalism favors self-interest over cooperation and portrays allies as burdens or even free riders. "Korea first" sentiments, in both progressive and conservative forms, present the U.S. military presence in South Korea as an obstacle to Korean reconciliation or a shackle on South Korea's freedom of action. Snyder also examines North Korea's attempts to influence South Korean domestic politics and how China's growing strength has affected the dynamics of the alliance. He considers scenarios in which the U.S.-South Korea relationship weakens or crumbles, emphasizing the consequences for the region and the world. Drawing on this analysis, Snyder offers timely recommendations for stakeholders in both countries on how to preserve and strengthen the alliance.

"This dynamic Companion brings together esteemed academics from across the globe to provide ten distinct approaches to peacebuilding in Africa. With a timely and forward-thinking approach to war and conflict, the book focuses on the utilisation of traditional African dialogue in contemporary peacebuilding, developing infrastructures, and education for peace with a transformative agenda. The Elgar Companion to War, Conflict and Peacebuilding in Africa connects strongly with the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals for 2030 and the aspirations of the African Union in its Agenda 2063. Chapters explore how to develop nonviolent action in civil society, bad governance and political competition as causes of violence, implementing basic income grants as a means to reduce violence, and alternatives to African militaries. Ultimately, this Companion recognises that the task of violence prevention is not the responsibility of governments alone, and that governments must work to positively utilise the capacities and commitments of civil society and local communities. Offering a comprehensive overview of the nature and scope of conflict in Africa in the 21st century, this Companion will be a vital read for academics, researchers and students specialising in development studies, international politics, international relations and war studies. It will also be an essential read for peacebuilding professionals and policymakers working in national government organisations, African governments and international cross-policy organisations"--

Throughout the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union strategized to prop up friendly dictatorships abroad. Today, it is commonly assumed that the two superpowers' military aid enabled the survival of allied autocrats, from Taiwan's Chiang Kai-shek to Ethiopia's Mengistu Haile Mariam. In Up in Arms, political scientist Adam E. Casey rebuts the received wisdom: Cold War-era aid to autocracies often backfired. Casey draws on extensive original data to show that, despite billions poured into friendly regimes, US-backed dictators lasted no longer in power than those without outside help. In fact, American aid regularly destabilized autocratic regimes. The United States encouraged the establishment of strong, independent armies like its own, which then often incubated coups. By contrast, Soviet aid incentivized the subordination of the army to the ruling regime, neutralizing the threat of military takeover. Ultimately, Casey concludes, it is subservient militaries-not outside aid-that help autocrats maintain power. In an era of renewed great power competition, Up in Arms offers invaluable insights into the unforeseen consequences of overseas meddling, revealing how military aid can help pull down dictators as often as it props them up.

In June 1219 Danish crusaders fought a vicious battle against local pagan warriors at the place in northern Estonia where Tallinn now lies. The battle - known then as the Battle of Lyndanise - was a narrow victory for the crusaders and eventually turned out to be a pivotal event in the national histories of both Denmark and Estonia as a milestone in the overall military conquest of the entire region by (mostly) western military powers. The main scope of this book is to present a study of this military conquest of Estonia around 1200 with a special focus on the Scandinavian involvement, enabling us to better understand the intense political, military, and religious changes that came to influence the region and its many people from the early high medieval period onwards.