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Paper presented to Crossing Borders Multi-disciplinary Student Conference, Brock University, St. Catharines ON, 17 March 2018. ; In 2015 the Canadian government launched its National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIW) (2015), identifying that it was one of the most urgently important issues facing Canadian society. This inquiry marks a pivotal moment in Canadian history where either a true reckoning may begin with regards to the imbedded colonial legacy of violence against Indigenous women in Canada or the status quo upheld. This paper will use Sherene Razack's research on violence against women (2016) and the concepts of gendered disposability and Indigenous dysfunction to explore this topic. It will examine the murder of dozens of women in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, and the lack of attention given to their plight by the police, as an example of gendered disposability. As Amber Dean (2015) argues, the Downtown Eastside provides a clear example of how disposability and dysfunction work to sanction the physical violence many Indigenous women experience. Ultimately, the three goals portrayed as solutions to the problem of colonial violence are simple. Primarily, to identify measures that will eliminate violence against Indigenous women and girls, to provide justice, and lastly to incorporate practices that address the systemic violence these women face. However, achieving them is the part that remains complex. Can Canada learn about its colonial history and still be doomed to repeat past injustices?

This article explores the Quechua peoples' food systems as seen through a traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) lens and reflects on the vital role of Indigenous peoples' knowledge for global food security. Data was collected from two Quechua communities, Choquecancha and Rosaspata, in the highlands of Peru, from March 2016 to August 2018. This data was collected via participatory action research, talking circles with femalefarmers, oral history interviews with elders, and Indigenous gatherings at chacras with community leaders and local agroecologists. Analysis of this data suggests that Quechua people's in-depth and locally rooted knowledge concerning food security provides an Indigenous-based theoretical model of food sovereignty for the revitalization of Indigenous foodways and collective rights to food rooted in often under-recognisedaspects of their Indigeneity and TEK.

The canton of Otavalo in the Ecuadorian Sierra has been a stronghold and intellectual cradle of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement. In the year 2000 Mario Conejo Maldonado, who represented the indigenous political movement Pachakutik, was elected as the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo. His administration has enjoyed recognition for its popular participation formula and intercultural project, integrating mestizos and indigenous citizens. In the context of local state reform challenges and the inclusion and recognition of indigenous citizens in the Ecuadorian state model this study approaches a local government led by an indigenous mayor with an intercultural banner. However, the project of ethnic integration in Otavalo has not evolved without complications and conflicts. Social and political divisions in the indigenous population have been reflected since before Conejo was ever elected. Ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement have been manifested throughout the period and in 2006 Conejo left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The author argues that the rupture in the Otavalo indigenous movement (and local government) can be traced to the intercultural dilemma and difficulties associated with an ethnically defined political movement. Similarly, aspects of the so called "Correa effect" on the indigenous movement at the local level will be approached, since the Otavalo mayor has joined President Rafael Correa's PAIS movement before the local elections of 2009. ; From Exclusion to Government in Ecuador: Indigenous Movement Strategies and Political Power Structures in Otavalo and Cotacachi.

Given its change-resistant nature, how does federalism evolve to reflect the changing social and political context? This article compares the trajectories of Canadian and American federalism in response to the self-determination claims of indigenous peoples. Building on the literature on institutional change, I first suggest that both federations have followed similar patterns of institutional adaptation to indigenous claims through the development of multilevel governance (MLG) regimes that are layered over the existing federal structure without altering its foundations. I then underline the variations in the two MLG regimes and suggest these differences are the product of specific policy legacies as well as strategic choices made by the indigenous leadership, notably around venue selection. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACTThis article uses a governmentality analytic to understand the efforts of indigenous leaders from the Ecuadorian Amazon to shape their organizations' members over the past four decades, particularly efforts to promote collective engagement in market‐oriented activities. A close examination of one organization's history reveals that leaders' subjectivity‐shaping efforts have been strongly influenced by collaborations with the state, NGOs and others. They have also been shaped by historical understandings of status and leadership. However, collaborative economic projects are also used by leaders as a tool for producing new kinds of indigenous citizens, ones that are actively engaged with larger communities of indigenous people beyond their kinship groups. Leaders see these new senses of citizenship as empowering, and as a critical precursor to planning land use and livelihoods. Thus, indigenous leaders are not simply conduits for the subjectivity‐shaping projects of the state and international development groups; nor are they simply acting in their own interest. Rather, they constitute and regulate new types of citizens to ensure the future viability of their organizations and political projects.

This study addresses the relationship between intergenerational trauma of ongoing United States and Canadian colonialism as it impacts Native American and Aboriginal First Nations Peoples and ways global football contributes practices of intergenerational healing. I argue that Indigenous soccer operates as a mechanism of decolonization and re-membering for Indigenous Peoples who inherit colonial traumas. Indigenous soccer directly challenges hegemonic sports culture as typically marked by Indian mascotry and Native invisibility. While cultural historians have shown how American sports are used as colonial technologies of assimilation, violent gendering, labor and militarism, the story of Indigenous soccer has not been studied. As a Lummi footballer, I utilize Native voices from Coast Salish Tribes of Washington State and British Columbia, Mohawk and Cree First Nations Canada, Southwest tribes from New Mexico Pueblos and Navajo Nation, and Kiowa Territories in Oklahoma to illustrate Indigenous soccer identities and schelangen, or way of life in Lummi. As soccer in North America challenges hegemonic ideologies of nationalism, instrumental Indigenous footballers are demanding visibility, like the late Canadian Hall of Fame First Nations Aboriginal footballer Snuneymuxw Harry Xulsimalt Manson and U.S. World Cup participant Kiowa Native Chris Bau Daigh Wondolowski. Using the theoretical framework of Tulalip scholar Stephanie Fryberg's "theory of invisibility," I tell and analyze Indigenous soccer stories as evidence that Indigenous visibility, in soccer or otherwise, provides intergenerational healing. I begin to fill the gap in the sports culture and U.S.-Canada colonialism discourse, with the goal of making Indigenous soccer locally accessible as an instrument of decolonial healing for generations of Indigenous North American Peoples.

Abstract In discussions of the Amazon's lengthy indigenous history, the narrative that considers temporal landmarks generally remains tied to Western chronology. In other words, although most researchers consider indigenous history to be an important reality, the very epistemological scope of the human sciences forces indigenous temporalities to fit into the chronological paradigms of the west. To avoid this epistemological pitfall, historical time must be narrated according to the emergence and duration of events, going beyond their pristine origins and seeking their devenir instead of manifestations of these events. Based on the work of authors such as Bergson, Deleuze and Braudel, in this essay we propose that indigenous history in the Amazon unfolds along two structuring processes that evolved over time according to the persistence and resilience of this history in the proper place for Amerindian social and cultural experiences.

Social work as a profession has evolved out of contextualised human responses to social, political and economic questions that afflict human existence. Its education and practice in India, imported from the west as a part of the colonisation process, has remained stagnated, for long, with concepts and methods suited to respond to the ravages of industrial revolution in Europe. Thus, it has failed, in many ways than one, to position itself responsively to India's contexts. The tribal/indigenous situation of India's northeast, for instance, challenge social work education and practice to define programmes and strategies, respectively, suited to meet its unique needs. The present paper is an attempt to conceptualise a social work education framework suited to this context.

This article explores the role of the private sector and financial services companies in respecting, protecting and particularly advancing the human rights of Indigenous peoples. Using the results from a participatory research based project with an Indigenous group in Canada, it makes the argument that firms in the financial sector have an obligation to respect and advance the rights of Indigenous peoples.

Since the passage of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) in 1997, the term indigenous peoples or IPs has become codified in Philippine Law. However, legal usage of the term indigenous cultural communities/indigenous peoples (ICCs/IPs) contrasts starkly with the ways that members of these communities refer to themselves. In Southern Mindanao, members of government (GO) and non-government organizations (NGO) employ lumad to refer to the people that they are committed to assist; so do artists and cultural workers who draw on highland Mindanao cultural traditions. But Bagobo, T'boli, Mandaya or B'laan peoples in Southern Mindanao rarely refer to themselves as lumad in everyday speech. Those who do refer to themselves as lumad regularly engage with NGOs or the government and may be observed dressed in denotative clothing, with traditional chiefly emblems playing a central part. The profound significance of names and visual symbols in native claims to power is relevant to the Mindanao case. This paper analyzes how textile practices of the Bagobo, along with comparative data from neighboring groups, pose special challenges to the conceptual category of a pan-Mindanao native. Elderly women, most knowledgeable in cloth lore and manufacture, rarely refer to themselves as lumad; yet women traditionally made ceremonial clothes for men, and continue to do so today. These clothes signal the men's stature as dátu, and the means by which these textiles are acquired remain within the purview of women. How does the lumad/IP discourse depend on the erasure of group- and gender-specific knowledge systems? Using local delineations of a pan-Mindanao or pan-Philippine "indigenous person," this paper will re-examine lumad as a political category and problematize its meaning as a cultural referent.

Across the globe, community-oriented protected areas are increasingly recognised as an effective way to support the preservation and maintenance of the traditional biodiversity related knowledge of indigenous peoples and local communities. We argue that guaranteed land security and the ability of indigenous and local peoples to exercise their own governance structures is central to the success of community-oriented protected area programs. In particular, we examine the conservation and community development outcomes of the Indigenous Protected Area program in Australia, which is based on the premise that indigenous landowners exercise effective control over environmental governance, including management plans, within their jurisdiction (whether customary or state-based or a combination of elements of both), and have effective control of access to their lands, waters and resources. Key Words: community-oriented protected areas, Indigenous rights, conservation, Australia

Purpose
This paper aims to explore the importance of meaningful participation for Indigenous peoples within the complex and highly political context of mining and mineral extraction. The aim is to consider the multi-dimensional nature of the mining context that takes into account the discursive landscape that frames the often disparate perspectives of corporate, state and Indigenous communities.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper is a conceptual offering that examines the complex environment within which "meaningful participation" between mining corporates and Indigenous communities operate.


Findings
This paper highlights the multi-dimensional nature of a proposed relationship between the mining corporates, the state and the Indigenous Māori community within New Zealand. The facilitation of "meaningful participation" requires that any negotiated agreement is undertaken within a framework of meaning that makes sense to the Indigenous community, in addition to the appropriate legislative and corporate initiatives to be in place.


Originality/value
The paper highlights the complex considerations that must be included in any form of negotiation between mining corporates and Indigenous peoples to achieve meaningful participation in the form that it was intended under international accords. While recognising the different contextual circumstance of Indigenous peoples around the world, this paper illustrates a pathway towards meaningful participation that takes into account economic, socio-cultural and environmental variables.

Disproportionate levels of violence, disappearance, and murder are endemic among Indigenous women in the United States (U.S.). The prevalence of such violence has persisted for centuries, with little direct action taken to elevate the issue, protect Indigenous women, and hold individual and systemic perpetrators accountable. As a result, Indigenous women in the U.S. face various forms of violence at 2.5 times the rate of non-Indigenous women, with murder being the third leading cause of death. A staggering 94% of Indigenous women experience sexual violence in their lifetime (Urban Health Institute, 2019).
Through an analysis of existing and new legislation aimed at addressing the issue of violence against Indigenous women, we reveal the ways in which policies have fallen critically short of achieving this mission, highlight the strengths of recently enacted legislation, and provide recommendations for implementation in order to truly prevent violence, and therefore to protect and empower Indigenous women.

We are all treaty people. This eagerly awaited sequel to the bestselling 21 Things You May Not Know About the Indian Act offers practical tools that will help you respectfully avoid missteps in your business interactions and personal relationships with Indigenous Peoples. This book will teach you about: Aboriginal Rights and Title, and the treaty process the difference between hereditary and elected leadership, and why it matters the lasting impact of the Indian Act, including the barriers that Indigenous communities face which terms are preferable, and which should be avoided Indigenous Worldviews and cultural traditions the effect of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in Canada the truth behind common myths and stereotypes perpetuated about Indigenous Peoples since Confederation. In addition to being a hereditary chief, Bob Joseph is the President of Indigenous Corporate Training Inc., which offers programs in cultural competency. Here he offers an eight-part process that businesses and all levels of government can use to work more effectively with Indigenous Peoples, which benefits workplace culture as well as the bottom line. Embracing reconciliation on a daily basis in your work and personal life is the best way to undo the legacy of the Indian Act. By understanding and respecting cultural differences, you're taking a step toward full reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.