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Two decades after the Missouri Supreme Court upheld an injunction against the practice of midwifery, two midwives became lobbyists for the cause and, with the remarkable cooperation of friendly legislators and lobbyists, got a provision inserted in a health bill legalizing the practice of tocology, a synonym for midwifery that went unnoticed by legislators who voted for the lengthy bill in which it was inserted. Medical associations sued to invalidate this "stealth" provision but their efforts failed when the Missouri Supreme Court declined to grant standing to the doctors to "protect" the interests of the public. Thirteen years later, the practice of midwifery in Missouri remains legal.Part I "Mastering the Legislative Game With Stealth and Faith" tells the story of lobbying the legislation; Part II "The Physicians Go to Court; the Midwives "Lawyer Up'" tells the story of the legal fight to uphold the validity of the legislation.

Anreize zählen heute längst zum gesetzgeberischen Standardinstrumentarium. Die Rechtswissenschaft aber tut sich mit dem auf Verhaltenslenkung gerichteten Inhalt des Rechts, der rechtlich nicht bindend ist, nach wie vor schwer. Sonst stets auf Systematisierung bedacht, hat sie für Anreize und unterschiedliche Anreiztypen nicht einmal Begriffe. Selbst grundlegende verfassungsrechtliche Fragen sind ungeklärt. Johanna Wolff erklärt diesen Befund damit, dass die von der juristischen Methode geprägte Rechtswissenschaft das Recht typischerweise aus einer Perspektive betrachtet, aus der sein Anreizgehalt nur eingeschränkt sichtbar ist. Sie zeigt, dass nur auf der Grundlage von Vorarbeiten, die aus der Steuerungsperspektive entwickelt werden, eine kohärente Verfassungsrechtsdogmatik der Anreize entstehen kann. Damit vollzieht sie zugleich eine Versöhnung im Methodenstreit zwischen »alter« und Neuer Verwaltungsrechtswissenschaft.

Anreize zählen heute längst zum gesetzgeberischen Standardinstrumentarium. Die Rechtswissenschaft aber tut sich mit dem auf Verhaltenslenkung gerichteten Inhalt des Rechts, der rechtlich nicht bindend ist, nach wie vor schwer. Sonst stets auf Systematisierung bedacht, hat sie für Anreize und unterschiedliche Anreiztypen nicht einmal Begriffe. Selbst grundlegende verfassungsrechtliche Fragen sind ungeklärt. Johanna Wolff erklärt diesen Befund damit, dass die von der juristischen Methode geprägte Rechtswissenschaft das Recht typischerweise aus einer Perspektive betrachtet, aus der sein Anreizgehalt nur eingeschränkt sichtbar ist. Sie zeigt, dass nur auf der Grundlage von Vorarbeiten, die aus der Steuerungsperspektive entwickelt werden, eine kohärente Verfassungsrechtsdogmatik der Anreize entstehen kann. Damit vollzieht sie zugleich eine Versöhnung im Methodenstreit zwischen »alter« und Neuer Verwaltungsrechtswissenschaft.

This article investigates the techno-politics of vertical farming in the field of food security. Drawing on the works of Peter Sloterdijk, the article un-derstands the Vertical Farm as a technology of ecological care that aims to contain the environmental side effects of agriculture while further increas-ing food production. Instead of growing food outdoor in the field, tech-nologies such as hydroponics or LED lighting are being used to create artificial ecosystems in closed environments and integrate them into the urban spaces. The paper argues that the logic of ecological care enshrined in the Vertical Farm follows a logic of co-immunization by drawing a strong boundary between crop production spaces and the environment, thus preventing uncontrolled material flows between them.

This article investigates the techno-politics of vertical farming in the fieldof food security. Drawing on the works of Peter Sloterdijk, the article understandsthe Vertical Farm as a technology of ecological care that aims tocontain the environmental side effects of agriculture while further increasingfood production. Instead of growing food outdoor in the field, technologiessuch as hydroponics or LED lighting are being used to create artificialecosystems in closed environments and integrate them into the urbanspaces. The paper argues that the logic of ecological care enshrined inthe Vertical Farm follows a logic of co-immunization by drawing a strongboundary between crop production spaces and the environment, thus preventinguncontrolled material flows between them.

This article offers an encompassing interpretation of Paul Ricœur's reception of Max Weber's sociology. Three main domains in which Ricœur redeployed and revised insights from Weber are examined: (1) political responsibility and the definition of the state, (2) significant categories for understanding social interaction (notably ideology and authority) and the social ontology implied by this view on action and, finally, (3) the role of explanation in the interpretive social sciences. As a whole, this article argues that Weber was a significant interlocutor of Ricœur on a number of significant themes in the philosopher's work. In particular, the article profiles the Weberian aspect of Ricœur's social and political philosophy.

ABSTRACT In Bolivia, the year 2019 marks the end of an era: In November, after almost 14 years in power, Evo Morales was forced to prematurely leave the presidency and, shortly thereafter, also the country. This dramatic event was preceded by contentious elections, allegations of electoral fraud, massive post-electoral protests, and the switching of sides by the police and the military. Rather than pacifying the situation, Morales' resignation led to a further escalation of the conflict, involving violent clashes between protesters and security forces. In the end, however, a negotiated solution of the crisis was reached that enabled the controversial interim president Jeanine Áñez to call new elections. In an attempt to make sense of this remarkable chain of events, the article (1) summarizes key causes that have made the once invincible Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) government so vulnerable and (2) analyzes the October elections as well as the sociopolitical dynamics that unfolded afterwards with a focus on key controversies surrounding the elections (electoral fraud?) and the fall of Morales (a coup?). Finally, (3) the article briefly assesses the dynamics under the current interim government and looks at the forthcoming general elections, which are scheduled for 6 September 2020.

Der Beitrag von Stephan Wolff widmet sich der Analyse des 'Wechselspiels' von De-Institutionalisierungs- und Institutionalisierungsprozessen vor dem Hintergrund der neo-institutionalistischen Organisationstheorie und untersucht diese Prozesse anhand der historischen Verläufe der Forderung nach Alternativen zu anstaltsförmigen Praxen der Unterbringung, Behandlung und Kontrolle im Bereich der Psychiatrie und der Behindertenhilfen, die als praktische Kritik De-Institutionalisierung auf Ihre Fahnen geschrieben hatten. Dabei werden insbesondere die Ambivalenzen der De-Institutionalisierung als auch das pfadabhängige Beharrungsvermögen von Organisationen gegen Versuche der De-Institutionalisierung herausgearbeitet.

Genocide targets lives and also aims to destroy cultures. Hence, refugees do not only save their bare lives, as the common notion of a refugee in need of individual protection assumes; they also engage in various collective practices to safeguard their cultural heritage from destruction. As an expression of self-consciousness against genocidal violence, this process of rescue becomes a part of that very cultural heritage and thus fundamentally alters its meaning. To develop a better understanding of this complex process, this article first develops general thoughts on refugee agency and cultural survival. Secondly, to exemplify the variety of such efforts and their cultural meaning, this article examines how European Jews, and particularly the General Jewish Labor Bund, attempted to save Yiddish culture and material collections on the secular history of European Jews during the 20th century. In conclusion, it argues that in addition to the individualized perception of a refugee, we need to consider collective cultural rescue as an integral part of refugee politics.