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2.3 Looking Ahead: Some Policy Recommendations2.4 Conclusion; 3 Negotiated Settlements for Corruption Offences:Position in Germany; 3.1 Introduction; 3.2 Legal Framework: Rules Governing Corruption; 3.3 Legal Framework: Rules Governing Negotiations and Settlements; 3.4 Position of Negotiated Settlements in Germany; 3.5 European Perspective; 3.6 Summary and Conclusion; 4 Negotiated Settlements for Corruption Offences:Position in Italy; 4.1 Introduction; 4.2 Italian Legal Framework; 4.3 Position of Negotiated Settlements; 4.4 European Perspective; 4.5 Recommendations and Conclusions.

"This detailed Commentary explores the boundaries of social rights at a European level through analysis of the Revised European Social Charter (RESC), the most comprehensive regional document on social rights. The Commentary considers the treaty as the counterpart of the European Convention on Human Rights, examining how it sets out fundamental rights in the social field. It focuses primarily on the rich jurisprudence developed by the Charter's monitoring body, the European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR). Key features include: discussion of the application of social rights in practice examination of the implementation of the RESC in national law a guide to social rights and the corresponding human rights obligations of European states that have ratified the Charter analysis of economic, social and cultural rights in Europe across a range of areas including housing, health, education, employment, legal and social protection, migration and non-discrimination. Contributing to a deeper understanding of how state authorities and other human rights actors apply social rights in Europe, this Commentary will be an essential resource for academics and students of European law and human rights. Its presentation and analysis of the case law of the ECSR will also be beneficial for practitioners, lawmakers and human rights activists"--

Enerji, ülkelerin gelişimini sağlayan temel yapı taşlarından biridir. Özellikle, petrol ve doğal gaz gibi enerji kaynakları artık ülkeler için vazgeçilmez girdiler olup, stratejik değere sahiptir. Ancak bu kaynakların kısıtlı olması, arz ve talep sahibi ülkelerin tek taraflı çıkarlara dayanan politikaları ve orta vadede bu kaynakların sonunun geleceği endişesi, ülkelerin enerji güvenliği kaygılarını artırmıştır. AB de en fazla enerji kaynağına ihtiyaç duyan bölgesel güçlerden biridir ve doğal olarak kendi arz güvenliğini sağlamak istemektedir. Türkiye de jeopolitik konumu itibariyle potansiyel enerji ithalatçısı ülkeler ile ihracatçı ülkeler arasında bir geçit konumundadır. Doğal olarak bu konumun getirdiği avantajları kullanarak, hem gelişen ekonomisi için gerekli enerji ihtiyacını hem de bir geçiş koridoru olarak AB'nin enerji ihtiyacını karşılayacak iletim hatlarının kendi topraklarında bulunmasını istemektedir. Bu noktadan hareketle bu çalışmada, AB'nin enerji üretimi, tüketimi, ithalatı ve temel enerji politikaları incelenmiştir. Türkiye'nin enerji politikaları ile AB'nin enerji gereksiniminin karşılanmasındaki rolü açıklanmıştır. AB başta olmak üzere, petrol ve doğal gaz tedarikçisi ülkelerin ortak yararları, kaynak ülkelere sağlanacak yararlar ve başta Türkiye olmak üzere, geçiş güzergâhlarında bulunan diğer ülkelere sağlanacak yararlar değerlendirilmiştir.Sonuç olarak, Türkiye, AB'nin enerji güvenliğinin karşılanmasında bölgedeki en istikrarlı ülkedir. Bu nedenle Türkiye'nin mevcut enerji nakil hatlarının geliştirilmesi, yeni iletim hatlarının planlanması ve hayata geçirilmesi konusunda eksikliklerini bir an önce tamamlayarak daha etkin bir politika izlemesi gerekmektedir. Ancak bu yönde doğru politik adımların atılması ile Türkiye bölgedeki "enerji koridoru rolünü" pekiştirebilir ve bölgede önemli bir stratejik güç unsuruna dönüşebilir. ; Energy is one of the basic building blocks that help countries develop. Especially, energy supplies like oil and natural gas are now indispensable feedstocks and have a strategic value. However, that these supplies are restricted, the policy based on unilateral interests of the countries which have supply and demand, and the concern that these sources will break up in the medium term increased the security preoccupations of the countries. EU is one of the regional forces which needs the most energy source and thus, desires to provide its own security of supply. And because of its geopolitical position, Turkey serves as a gateway between the potential energy importer countries and the exporter countries. As a natural consequence, using this position, it wants the transmission lines that provide the energy needs necessary for both its developing economy and EU to be on its own land as an energy corridor. From this point of view, in this study the energy production, consumption, import and the basic energy policies have been analyzed. By the energy policies of Turkey, its role in providing EU?s energy need has been explained. The common benefits of the energy and natural gas suppliers, in particular EU, the benefits which are going to be provided to the source countries and the benefits that are going to be provided to the countries on the transition route, notably Turkey, has been evaluated.As a consequence, Turkey is the most consistent country of the region in providing the EU?s energy security. For this reason, Turkey has to follow a more active policy in improving its existing energy transmission lines, planning and realizing the new transmission lines by making up its shortcomings as soon as possible. Only going through the proper channels can Turkey strengthen its ?role as energy corridor? and become an important strategic force in the region.

The leading priority for the Polish Presidency of the Council of the European Union was to reduce health inequalities across European societies, and, within its framework, prevention and control of respiratory diseases in children. This very important paper contain proposal of international cooperation on the prevention, early detection and monitoring of asthma and allergic diseases in childhood which will be undertaken by the EU member countries as a result of EU conclusion developed during the Polish Presidency of the Council of the European Union. This will result in collaboration in the field of chronic diseases, particularly respiratory diseases, together with the activity of the network of national institutions and NGOs in this area. Paper also contains extensive analysis of the socio-economic, political, epidemiological, technological and medical factors affecting the prevention and control of childhood asthma and allergy presented during Experts presidential conference organized in Warsaw-Ossa 21-22 September 2011 ; Members of GA2LEN (Global Allergy and Asthma European Network), supported by the Sixth EU Framework program for research, contract no. FOOD-CT-2004-506378.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu "Perspektywy utworzenia wspólnej armii europejskiej a kryzys funkcjonowania Unii Europejskiej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku" jest przedstawienie renesansu idei budowy armii europejskiej. Autor wskazuje na przyczyny tego zjawiska i związane z tym stanowiska wybranych państw. Ponadto rozważa możliwości jej realizacji w czasie kryzysu Unii Europejskiej. Stawia szereg pytań dotyczących nie tylko jej zasadności, ale i adekwatności do procesu integracji europejskiej. Nie pozostawia wątpliwości, że ewentualne powstanie armii europejskiej jest procesem długim. Wymaga od państw członkowskich pogodzenia ich interesów narodowych i odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, czy Unia Europejska ma być w pełnym tych słów znaczeniu mocarstwem globalnym, czy jedynie sektorowym. ; The purpose of the article "The Prospects of establishing a common European Army in the time of the European Union crisis in the second decade of the XXI Century" is to present the renaissance of idea an European army. The author points out the reasons for this phenomenon and position of selected countries. Moreover, he considers the possibility of its implementation during the crisis of the European Union. He poses a number of questions about its need and the adequacy to the process of European integration. But there is no doubt that the possible establishment of an European army is a long process. It requires the Member States to reconcile their national interests and answer the question whether the European Union should be a global or only sectoral power.

Union prevention can involve many tangible approaches. Items such as competitive wages and benefits, safe workplaces, and workplace recognition are all items managers and employees can see. An important set of tools, however, includes those that cannot be seen—union prevention methods that build on the relationship of the employee to the company. It is these intangible approaches that, while taking longer to become useful, can be the most powerful in developing a comprehensive union prevention plan. In this month's Management Report, we touch upon three of these items—accentuating the positive, fairness and consistency, and integrity.

The countries of the Western Balkans during the 1990s were dominated by competitive authoritarian regimes that combined multi-party elections with nationalist rhetoric and the privatisation of the state to affiliated business interests. After a move towards democratisation in the early 2000s across the region, authoritarian practices began re-appearing in the late 2000s and have now firmly taken root in many of these countries. This article will argue that the current competitive authoritarian systems (Levitsky, Steven, and Lucan A. Way. 2010. Competitive Authoritarianism. Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) are structurally different from those of the 1990s. These new regimes draw on the failure of reformist governments during the early 2000s to decisively break with authoritarian practices and establish independent and democratic institutions, thus facilitating the return of competitive authoritarian regimes. The current pattern in the Western Balkans is part of a global trend, but is also one embedded in the particularities of democratic transformation of the region. This article argues that the return of competitive authoritarianism is the result of weak democratic structures, facilitated by the weakening and insufficient transformative power of external actors, first and foremost the EU, in incentivizing continued democratisation. ; (VLID)2739336