Search results

'Der Autor ist nicht nur in seinem Heimatland mit zahlreichen Artikeln zur Sicherheitspolitik zentralasiatischer Länder und insbesondere Kasachstans hervorgetreten, sondern hat sich auch in der politischen Publizistik Rußlands mit kritischen Stellungnahmen zur Politik Moskaus gegenüber dem sogenannten 'nahen Ausland' einen Namen gemacht, so z.B. in einem Artikel über die 'Kosyrew-Doktrin'. Er untersucht in dem vorliegenden Bericht die Wahrnehmung des ehemals sowjetischen Zentralasiens in russischen Analysen und die außen-, wirtschafts- und sicherheitspolitischen Strategien Rußlands gegenüber den unabhängig gewordenen Staaten dieser Region. Daneben geht er auf die objektiven Probleme der nationalen und regionalen Sicherheit in Zentralasien ein.' (Autorenreferat)

"In his study of the New South and foreign affairs, Tennant McWilliams raises a central question: why have southerners failed to develop a realistic attitude about U.S. relations with the rest of the world? He notes that throughout their history southerners have encountered failure, poverty, guilt, defeat, and ridicule and that their experiences seem at odds with the notions of invincibility that have fueled the flames of American idealism. Yet McWilliams points out that southerners have joined with northerners in accepting the ideas of a mission to extend the American way of lif

AbstractThe article examines why many foreign‐funded, resource‐ rich movements in developing countries have been unable to produce the massive mobilization found in other successful social movements with access to fewer resources. While foreign ties have brought substantial benefits to local movements, many such social movements have limited grass‐roots support. The issue of external aid is at the core of an emerging research agenda in the fields of international relations, social movements, and development studies that focuses on the relationship between participatory development, democratization, and the process of transnationalization. Drawing on research work from these different fields, the article argues that by making constituency support irrelevant, internationalization through financial assistance has transformed conflict movements into consensus movements that follow an institutional, resource‐dependent, non‐conflictual strategy with no deep roots in the community. The article specifies the mechanisms by which foreign funding affects grass‐roots mobilization. These arguments are examined with respect to evidence from around the world.

In the streets of Santo Domingo, Haitian and Dominican paintings are sold side-by-side, usually by Haitian dealers attracted to their neighbour's much larger tourist market. They are easy to tell apart, for the Haitian paintings generally conform to the naïf style, whereas the Dominican paintings feature rural scenes or Taïno designs. The cultural differences in the designs of the paintings, and their appeal to foreign tourists rather than Dominicans, lend support to decades of scholarship describing Dominican–Haitian relations as being built upon nationalism and notions of racial difference, as well as the 'exotic' appeal that the Caribbean holds for tourists. However, this scholarship falls short of providing a holistic account of Dominican–Haitian relations because it sidelines the crucially important role of trade – historically and contemporaneously – in structuring them. In this article, I reinterpret the history and contemporary nature of art markets in Hispaniola to argue that market relations should be considered alongside symbolic representations when assessing transnational identity politics.

The Herero/Nama Genocide (1904-1908) under German colonialism in Namibia is the first genocide of the twentieth century and has stirred debates around reparations for historical injustices. Reparative Justice has evolved into a victim-centric pillar of justice, in which perpetrators are legally and morally obligated to pay reparations in its several forms to its victims, including material and symbolic reparations. This thesis is a case study of reparations claims for historical injustices, specifically colonial genocide and explores such claims as a political process. Firstly, defining victims of genocide is a political process in which colonial atrocities have been blanketed by a lawless cover, previously ignoring the rights of the former colonised. The acknowledgement of genocide victims is a not only a necessary step to claiming reparations, but is part of Reparative Justice in which the perpetrator recognises its victims, offers a formal apology and make amends to the victims' satisfaction. The acknowledgement of the Herero and Nama as victims of genocide has taken over a century for the German government to admit. Secondly, reparations claims is a political process in which requests are demanded and/or negotiated between perpetrator and victim. Germany's previous foreign policy avoided terms such as 'genocide' and 'reparations', which has been a form of colonial amnesia. Namibian actors cannot easily forget the weight of the genocide and have had to negotiate and demand overdue justice in the face of colonial amnesia. Victim groups often do not speak with one voice, as noted in the Herero group, which is divided into general two camps: the Riruako group and the Maherero group. Under Paramount Chief Riruako, and his successor Rukoro, the Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA) have made several reparations claims to Germany over the last three decades. The Namibian government has previously played an unsupportive role, due to Germany's annual development aid, which has undermined the position of the Riruako group. However, Riruako's Motion on the Ovaherero Genocide in 2006, was unanimously passed and requested that the Namibian government facilitates negotiations between Germany and representatives of the affected communities. The two governments have since entered formal negotiations on how to address the past, however this has been resented by the OTA and some reparations organisations, who argue that the Namibian government have taken the lead on negotiations, rather than facilitate them. Those participating in government negotiations are the Maherero group, and those who have refused to join is the Riruako group, who have lodged a lawsuit in 2017 against the German government for reparations. In 2015, the German government admitted that its shared history with Namibia involved genocide. However, this acknowledgement has transferred limited power to the Namibian actors who continue to be undermined as 'equal' counterparts to the German government. The German government continue to negotiate on their terms of redress, and have claimed state immunity towards the lawsuit. Therefore, there are small traces of colonial amnesia in Germany's conduct despite its recent change in foreign policy.

Die Autoren beleuchten die Ursachen für die transatlantischen Handelskonflikte zwischen den USA und der EU, die vor allem im hohen Grad der wirtschaftlichen Verflechtung, in der fortschreitenden Handelsliberalisierung, in den unterschiedlichen Regulierungsansätzen und in der Politisierung des Handels liegen. Als Folgeproblem der im Einzelfall schwer lösbaren und langwierigen Handelskonflikte entwickelt sich ferner eine "tit-for-tat"-Dynamik: Um die Verhandlungsposition in einem bestehenden Handelskonflikt zu stärken, wird ein neuer Konflikt vor die Streitschlichtungsinstitution der WTO gebracht und aufgrund dieser "Vergeltungstechnik" können Konflikte leicht von einem Bereich auf andere übergreifen. Die Autoren beschreiben zum einen das Spannungspotential traditioneller Handelskonflikte an den Beispielen Stahl, Byrd Amendment und Airbus/Boing. Das Spannungspotential systemischer Handelskonflikte stellen sie zum anderen anhand der Auseinandersetzungen um gentechnisch veränderte Nahrungsmittel (Genetically Modified Organisms, GMOs) und den unterschiedlichen nationalen Steuersystemen (Foreign Sales Corporations, FSCs) dar. Sie skizzieren abschließend einige Handlungsansätze zur Regelung der transatlantischen Konflikte und geben einen kurzen Ausblick auf die zukünftige Handelspolitik in der zweiten Amtszeit von Präsident Bush. (ICI)

"Assessing the grand American evangelical missionary venture to convert the world, this international group of leading scholars reveals how theological imperatives have intersected with worldly imaginaries from the nineteenth century to the present. Countering the stubborn notion that conservative Protestant groups have steadfastly maintained their distance from governmental and economic affairs, these experts show how believers' ambitious investments in missionizing and humanitarianism have connected with worldly matters of empire, the Cold War, foreign policy, and neoliberalism"--

The Greater Middle East is simultaneous a key-region to NATO security interests as well as one of its great challenges. From the AfPak to the Maghreb, from Iran to Palestine, there are too many issues for the Alliance to stand aside. This article defends a strengthening of NATO's strategic focus on the Greater Middle East, but points out some shortcomings in the approach of the report Albright. The inevitability of this strategic region for Euro-Atlantic area needs to be addressed by the uncertainty of Turkish foreign policy, not only as a relevant NATO member, but also as a preeminent & determinant regional power. Adapted from the source document.

На основі залучення і комплексного аналізу літератури та джерельної бази з обраної проблематики зроблено спробу узагальнити основні наукові підходи до процесу становлення та еволюції розвитку поняття стратегічного партнерства в українсько-американських міждержавних відносинах; систематизовано та узагальнено фактологічний матеріал, який дозволяє зробити висновок про трансформацію українсько-американських міждержавних відносин до рівня стратегічного партнерства. Велику увагу приділено огляду і класифікації наявної історіографічної та джерельної бази з проблем розвитку українсько-американських міждержавних відносин; аналізу основних теоретичних підходів до визначення базових понять міждержавного партнерства. ; In this study the author based on attraction and integratedanalysis of literature and sources with the chosen problem,attempts to summarise the main scientific approaches to theprocess of the formation and evolution of the concept of strategicpartnership in the Ukrainian-American intergovernmentalrelations; organizes and summarizes the faktologìčnij material,which allows to draw a conclusion about the transformationof the Ukrainian-American interstate relations to the level ofstrategic partnership. Great attention was paid to review andclassification of existing ìstorìografìčnoï and the spring base withproblems of Ukrainian-American intergovernmental relations;analysis of major theoretical approaches to the definition of thebasic concepts of international partnership.In spite of considerable urgency the problem of individualwork on the analysis of the database ìstorìografìčnoï thedevelopment of Ukrainian-American partnership, are almostabsent. Such developments are carried out in the context ofmore general research and represent their individual sections.Interest an individual scientific articles and Conferencepresentations on the problems of the development of modernUkrainian and American foreign policy.The purpose of this publication is a comprehensive analysisof the ìstorìografìčnoï base with problems of Ukrainian-American intergovernmental relations and reach the level ofa strategic partnership.In spite of the variety of interpretations of the prioritiesof the new US foreign policy to domestic and foreignhistoriography and editor-in-Chief, most of them concentratedon the European vector of the pobìžnim consideration of otherregions of the world in the context of the definition of analysis.At the same time on the basis of the so-called peripheralsystems of international relations Toolkit vìdprac′ovuvavsâGeneral paradigm of United States in the internationalarena, and after analysis of the global international UnitedStates policy easier to understand the causes of the «zone ofindifference» in the early twentieth century. or, conversely, the«partnership» in the system of United States foreign policypriorities and proclaiming a strategic partnership at thebeginning of the 21ST century.Unfortunately, in the Ukrainian historiography the periodof independence, nearly missing a comprehensive publicationon the topics of theoretical principles, paradigms, target theadoption of incentive motives and implement fundamentalsolutions in the field of contemporary American foreign policyand the prospects of its development. Also requires increasedattention to local scholars and the evolution of the Ukrainian-American strategic partnership. ; На основе привлечения и комплексного анализалитературы и источниковой базы по избраннойпроблематике сделана попытка обобщить основныенаучные подходы к процессу становления и эволюцииразвития понятия стратегического партнерства в украинско-американских межгосударственных отношениях;систематизирован и обобщен фактологический материал,который позволяет сделать вывод о трансформацииукраинско-американских межгосударственных отношенийдо уровня стратегического партнерства. Большое вниманиеуделено обзору и классификации историографическойбазы по проблемам развития украинско-американскихмежгосударственных отношений, анализу основныхтеоретических подходов к определению базовых понятиймежгосударственного партнерства.

The article discusses the Sino-Australian relations during the Liberal Coalition government in 2013-2017. The author reviews the conceptual frameworks of Australia's foreign policy and gives a retrospective of the main in Sino-Australian relations. The purpose of the study is to analyze the main problems affecting the development of political ties and assess their impact on Sino-Australian economic cooperation. The main research method is the narrative method allowing to collect facts from various sources and assemble them into a sequence of relevant events. The author comes to the conclusion that China is an important trading partner of Australia. Its economic and military power has a great influence on the formation of Australian foreign policy in the region. The liberal government represented by Tony Abbott in 2013-2015 and Malcolm Turnbull in 2015-2017 takes Australia - US alliance and strengthening the defense ties with Japan as a basis of its foreign policy. It later became the cause of the deterioration of Sino-Australian relations. Nevertheless, the cooling of political relations did not affect the trade and economic cooperation. China and Australia have signed the Free Trade Agreement and increased trade turnover. ; Статья посвящена исследованию взаимоотношений между Китаем и Австралией в период пребывания у власти Либеральной коалиции в 2013-2017 гг. Автором сделан обзор концептуальных основ внешней политики Австралии, а также основных событий, повлиявших на отношения Китая и Австралии в рассматриваемый период. Цель настоящего исследования - проследить эволюцию китайско-австралийских отношений после победы на выборах Либеральной коалиции. Задачи исследования - определить место Китая в австралийской внешней политике, выявить основные причины ухудшения отношений, а также оценить степень их влияния на экономическое сотрудничество. Основным методом исследования является нарративный метод, который позволил собрать факты из различных источников и выстроить их в последовательную цепь событий. В заключение автор приходит к выводу о том, что Китай является важным торговым партнером Австралии, что наряду с его экономической и военной мощью оказывает большое влияние на формирование австралийской внешней политики в регионе. Либеральное правительство, представленное Тони Эбботтом с 2013 г. и Малкольмом Тернбуллом с 2015 г. сделали союз с США и Японией основой их внешней политики, что в последствии повлияло на ухудшение китайско-австралийских отношений.