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In 1956, the Federal Constitutional Court prohibited the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in West Germany. Therefore, in 1968 the German Communist Party (DKP) was launched. However, with the foundation of the DKP illegal groups within the party were created. This article describes the secret military organization (MO) "Ralf Foster Group", which in the case of a revolutionary situation in West Germany were to represent the working classes' interests by force, & sabotage West Germany's energy supply installations, its transportation system, the armed forces, & its communication systems. The article further details who was in charge of what within this special unit. In the spring of 1989, Herbert Mies, then chairman of the DKP, declared the MO definitely abolished. The question that arises is whether the "Ralf Forster Group" was the only such group or whether they belonged to a network of guerilla groups in Western Europe. E. Sanchez

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM)

This article there has as purpose outline the evolution of concept of political exterior advertisingin electoral period from an approach juridical partner of the juridical Colombian classificationopposite to the traditional and/or not traditional political parties of the city and generatea campaign of awareness and change of civil behavior in order to avoid the visual pollution byexcess of political exterior advertising in Cucuta's city. ; Este artículo tiene como finalidad reseñar la evolución de concepto de publicidad política exterior en época electoral desde un enfoque socio jurídico del ordenamiento jurídico colombiano frente a los partidos políticos tradicionales y/o no tradicionales de la ciudad y generar una campaña de sensibilización y cambio de comportamiento ciudadano a fin de evitar la contaminación visual por exceso de publicidad política exterior en la ciudad de Cúcuta. Así mismo se especificaran conceptos que en la ejecución de políticas de publicidad suelen aplicar los movimientos y partidos políticos, los cuales son dirigidos por los intereses electorales que sus directivos han plasmado dentro de sus colectividades, olvidando las consecuencias que genera una indebida y excesiva utilización de elementos publicitarios, que al final terminan saturando visualmente e incluso terminan generando desechos que son pocas veces retirados de forma idónea para preservar el buen estado (en lo mínimo visual) del mobiliario urbano en dichas épocas electorales.

In the following pages, we argue against the widely-shared, common-sense idea that the Belgian political crisis of 2007-2011 was, primarily, the expression of an indissoluble tension between the two major communities in the country (the French-speaking and the Dutch-speaking communities). This crisis is actually best understood as a direct result of the purely proportional electoral system in place in Belgium – a system known for favouring mono-thematic extreme political parties and for fragmenting the political landscape, pushing it towards particratic malpractices. Only on this soil can (in a second time) regionalist nationalism flourish. What is therefore needed, if one wants to overcome the current state of affairs in a constructive manner, is a reform of the electoral system, in a way hereby exposed. ; Dans ces pages, nous remettons en question le caractère essentiellement communautaire de la crise politique qu'a connu la Belgique entre 2007 et 2011. Cette crise n'est en effet que le dernier épisode d'un état de tension pérenne qui s'explique avant tout par la présence dans le pays d'un mode de scrutin entièrement proportionnel, les dynamiques communautaires ne venant se greffer par après – avec succès certes – sur ce système de plus en plus déficient. Sortir de crise, dans ce contexte, c'est donc avant tout modifier quelque peu les règles électorales dans une direction bien précise explicitée ici.

In November, 1936, the voters of New York City approved the use of proportional representation for the election of members of the city council by a vote of 923,186 to 555,217, after its opponents had failed by court action to prevent the question from being submitted. By a combination of Democratic delegates from New York City and machine Republicans from upstate, the constitutional convention of 1938 provided the people of the entire state an opportunity to reject decisively an amendment that would have prohibited the use of P.R. in any election in the state. Still another unsuccessful attempt to abolish the system was made in 1940—this time through initiative petition under provision of the New York City charter. With the entry of the United States into the war, no further serious effort at repeal was made until 1947, although dissatisfaction with the results of the councilmanic elections continued to be heard even above the din of war.How did the forces line up in the intense battle over P.R. in the campaign of 1947? The political parties, of course, had a direct stake in the results of the campaign. On the one side were the Democratic and Republican county organizations urging repeal of P.R., while the American Labor party, the Liberal party, the Communist party, and the Fusion forces worked for retention of the system.

Un debate político televisado hace referencia a un enfrentamiento entre candidatos de diferentes partidos cuyo objetivo principal es generar un feedback entre el público asistente, telespectadores y los protagonistas del debate. Deben desarrollarse con fluidez y con técnicas persuasivas para trasladar el mensaje al máximo número de personas y generar el mayor eco posible en las redes sociales. Todo esto y más se logra con el arte de saber hacer bien las cosas: el protocolo. Pretendemos analizar en profundidad la mecánica organizativa y protocolaria del funcionamiento de los debates políticos televisados realizando un estudio pormenorizado sobre la importancia de la comunicación y el protocolo en este tipo de eventos con audiencia millonaria. El método empleado de estudio será deductivo ya que partiremos de una premisa general y a partir de ahí podremos obtener conclusiones con la observación y análisis de los debates de la historia reciente de Estados Unidos, Alemania y España entre otros. El objetivo principal del siguiente estudio es determinar el uso de las herramientas que proporciona el protocolo y describir las técnicas de persuasión y comunicación creando para ello un marco de trabajo adecuado. ; A televised political debate refers to a confrontation between candidates from different parties whose main objective is to generate feedback between the audience, viewers and the protagonists of the debate. They must be developed fluently and with persuasive techniques to transfer the message to the maximum number of people and generate the greatest possible echo in social networks. All this and more is achieved with the art of knowing how to do things well: the protocol. This article aims to analyze in depth the organizational and protocol mechanics of the functioning of televised political debates by carrying out a detailed study on the importance of communication and protocol in this type of events with a millionaire audience. The method used in the study will be deductive since we will start from a general premise and from there we will be able to obtain conclusions with the observation and analysis of the debates of the recent history of the United States, Germany and Spain among others. The main objective of the following study is to determine the use of the tools provided by the protocol and describe the techniques of persuasion and communication, creating an appropriate framework for this.

The article addresses the incorporation of gender demands into the claims of female textile workers in Argentina, as well as the positions assumed in that respect by the Socialist Party and the Communist Party, through the analysis of three case studies: two textile worker strikes and the claim for the reform of the Maternity Insurance Law. The objective is to study the relationships of these parties with the claims of female workers from a perspective that links gender and class relations, on the basis of both worker and State sources. One of the fundamental conclusions of this study is that the Socialist and Communist Parties played an active role in transforming those claims into concrete realizations. ; En este artículo se aborda la incorporación de las demandas de género en los conflictos de las trabajadoras textiles en Argentina y cómo actuaron dos vertientes de la izquierda local: el Partido Socialista y el Partido Comunista. Se analizan tres estudios de caso: dos huelgas textiles y la demanda por la reforma de la ley del Seguro de Maternidad. El objetivo es estudiar la relación de estos partidos con las demandas de las trabajadoras desde una perspectiva que aúna las relaciones de género con las de clase, con base en fuentes de origen obrero y estatal. Una conclusión fundamental que se desprende de este trabajo es que los partidos socialista y comunista han intervenido activamente para transformar estas demandas en realizaciones concretas.

Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future.This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc. For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe.

Although membership is declining, parties continue to perform roles central to democratic governance in modern societies. Given this seeming paradox, we suggest that partisan identification, in complementing studies of formal membership, is a promising way of assessing the strength of parties' democratic linkage. Using data from an original survey of voters in Australia and the United Kingdom, we analyse the participatory and demographic profiles of party supporters. We show that there are significant differences between supporters and those not committed to any party, as well as between supporters based on the strength of their party identification, substantiating the idea that parties can be conceptualized as a series of concentric circles of increasing engagement but declining representativeness. Stronger supporters are more likely to engage with parties online, volunteer and donate, but are older, more likely to be male and less likely to be foreign-born. Our findings have important implications for democratic practice as parties seek to expand and rejuvenate their networks of affiliates.