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Feminist research in political science is marked by two major contributions: (1) introducing the concept of "gender" and (2) expanding the definition of "politics." Given its origins in feminist theory and activism, it is guided by scholarly and political aims to transform the study and the practice of politics (cf. Hawkesworth 2006). These commitments enable feminist scholars to identify new research questions, as well as to approach traditional topics in novel ways, using a variety of research tools. However, rethinking the content and methods of political analysis has important implications for how to teach political science by raising questions about what political scientists study and how and why they study these particular topics. It also poses certain challenges, or presents new opportunities, for political science pedagogy by compelling professors to devise innovative techniques for communicating material and fostering self-reflection among students, who may resist or embrace central tenets of feminism. To explore how feminist scholars have met these challenges, this article examines 45 syllabi for courses on women, gender, and politics taught at various universities in the United States and Western Europe between 2002 and 2008. The analysis begins with a short introduction to trends in gender and politics research and interdisciplinary debates on feminist research methods. It then takes a closer look at the syllabi to illuminate some shared features of course content, as well as to make note of course readings, formats, and assignments that reflect feminist commitments to learning and personal transformation. The goal is to raise awareness of feminist tools and teaching techniques as a means for assessing their potential contributions for other areas of political science.

"Recent decades have witnessed both a renewed energy in feminist activism and widespread attacks taking back hard-won rights. Despite powerful feminist movements, the Covid-19 pandemic has significantly undermined the progress women have struggled for decades to achieve; how can this be? What explains this paradox of a strong feminist movement coexisting with stubborn patriarchal arrangements? How can we stop the next global catastrophe initiating a similar backlash? This book suggests that the shortcomings of social theory prevent feminist strategies from initiating transformative changes and achieving permanent gains. It investigates the impact of theoretical shortcomings upon feminist strategies by engaging with two clusters of work: ungendered accounts of capitalist development and theories on gendered oppression and inequality. Decentring feminist theorising grounded in histories and developments of the global North, the book provides an original theory of the patriarchal system by analysing changes within its forms and degrees as well as investigating the relationship between the gender, class and race-ethnicity based inequalities. Turkey offers a case that challenges assumptions and calls for rethinking major feminist categories and theories thereby shedding light on the dynamics of social change in the global South. The timely intervention of this book is, therefore, crucial for feminist strategies going forward. The book emerges at the intersections between Gender, International Development, Political Economy, and Sociology and its main readership will be found in, but not limited to these disciplinary fields. The material covered in this book will be of great interest to students and researchers in these areas as well as policy makers and feminist activists"--

Autor polazi od Aristofanove Lisistrate kao paradigmatskog antiratnog teksta ‎ženske politike otpora, no preispituje njeno čitanje kao feminističke kritike ‎rata te kao kritike atenskog imperijalizma. Prvo, autor ističe da ženska politika otpora kroz seks-štrajk i okupaciju javnog prostora nije nužno povezana ‎s antiratnim uvjerenjima, već proizlazi iz zaštite "ženskog svijeta" privatnih ‎odnosa i domaćinstva. Drugo, "ženski mir" kojim se satirizira atensko vodstvo ima antidemokratski predznak i nije kritika atenskog imperijalizma, već‎njegova obrana. Na kraju, u analogiji s Lisistratom, propituje se ruski ženski ‎aktivizam kao reakcija na ruske agresivne ratove u Čečeniji i Ukrajini. Taj ‎aktivizam primarno polazi od majčinstva kao legitimnog oblika artikuliranja ‎problema rata, ali ne dovodi rat u pitanje. Autor zaključuje da takav ženski aktivizam koji proizlazi iz racionalnosti brige za dobrobit djece i muževa, bilo ‎u Lisistrati bilo onaj koji se većinski manifestira kod ruskih majki i žena, nije ‎politički i vrijednosno utemeljen te ne artikulira koherentne antimilitarističke ili pacifističke stavove, pa stoga nije uistinu antiratni. U kontekstu Rusije, ‎svojim zahtijevanjem boljih uvjeta muškarcima u vojsci majčinsko-ženski aktivizam zapravo je strategija za optimizaciju rata, bitno se ne suprotstavljajući ‎ruskim državno proklamiranim ratnim ciljevima ili ih čak podržavajući.‎

In 1865 the French mathematician Eugène Catalan was appointed professor at the University of Liege. In the nineteenth century the Belgian government developed a policy of attracting famous foreign scholars, mainly coming from the German principalities and France, in order to bring the education system to a higher level. In this case, however, the appointment had an outspoken political and philosophical dimension. Catalan sought and found refuge in Belgium because his career prospects in France were severely hindered due to his strong republican and anti-Bonapartist viewpoints. In a speech he gave at the University's Academic Hall on the occasion of his retirement on December 7, 1881, Catalan emphasized he had two passions in life: la Politique militante et les Mathématiques ["Militant Politics and Mathematics"]. In this paper, we investigate the first of these passions against the background of the revolutionary tensions of the time on the basis of a series of primary sources: first, a brochure edited by Catalan himself at the end of his life, entitled Miettes littéraires et politiques, par un vieux mathématicien (Liège, 1889); second, Catalan's correspondence, covering several decades, and preserved at the Manuscripts Department of the University of Liège; third, a journal kept by Catalan during the years 1858 to 1862, entitled Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris. An in-depth analysis of these sources allows us to discover Catalan's own perception of his political and philosophical commitments, the reasons behind his involvement in the revolutionary uprisings of 1830, 1848 and 1851, the exact nature of his activism, his interpretation of the republican ideal, his political hopes and deceptions, his view on both French and European social and political realities, his struggle with the Catholic Church, the meaning of his engagement in Freemasonry. ; Peer reviewed

In 1865 the French mathematician Eugène Catalan was appointed professor at the University of Liege. In the nineteenth century the Belgian government developed a policy of attracting famous foreign scholars, mainly coming from the German principalities and France, in order to bring the education system to a higher level. In this case, however, the appointment had an outspoken political and philosophical dimension. Catalan sought and found refuge in Belgium because his career prospects in France were severely hindered due to his strong republican and anti-Bonapartist viewpoints. In a speech he gave at the University's Academic Hall on the occasion of his retirement on December 7, 1881, Catalan emphasized he had two passions in life: la Politique militante et les Mathématiques ["Militant Politics and Mathematics"]. In this paper, we will investigate the first of these passions against the background of the revolutionary tensions of the time on the basis of a series of primary sources: first, a brochure edited by Catalan himself at the end of his life, entitled Miettes littéraires et politiques, par un vieux mathématicien (Liège, 1889); second, Catalan's correspondence, covering several decades, and preserved at the Manuscripts Department of the University of Liège; third, a journal kept by Catalan during the years 1858 to 1862, entitled Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris. An in-depth analysis of these sources will allow us to discover Catalan's own perception of his political and philosophical commitments, the reasons behind his involvement in the revolutionary uprisings of 1830, 1848 and 1851, the exact nature of his activism, his interpretation of the republican ideal, his political hopes and deceptions, his view on both French and European social and political realities, his struggle with the Catholic Church, the meaning of his engagement in Freemasonry.

This is the final version. Available on open access from SAGE Publications via the DOI in this record ; Work on Stanley Cavell in contemporary political theory tends to foreground Cavell's reading of Emersonian moral perfectionism, but this aspect of Cavell's thought is often left out of feminist readings of his work. In this paper, I give an overview of Cavell's importance to political theory, and I also trace two Cavellian-inspired feminisms: Sandra Laugier's ordinary language inflected ethics of care and Toril Moi's understanding of feminist theory as the close and careful reading of examples. I argue that Cavellian-Emersonian moral perfectionism enhances these feminist readings of Cavell because it helps us explain certain practices in feminist activism, such as resisting conformity, acknowledging the limits of our understanding, and being receptive to other members of our feminist community.

The documentary record of African opposition to the CAF (Central African Federation) has been the subject of renewed historiographical interest in recent years.2 This paper seeks to contribute to the existing debate in three principle ways. Firstly, it will show that opposition to the scheme was fatally undermined by the pursuits of two very distinct strands of NAC (Nyasaland African Congress) and ANC (African National Congress) political activism. In the second instance, it will show that this dissimilar political discourse produced contradictions that resulted in bypassing African objections. Thirdly, the paper will go a step farther, suggesting that the two respective anti-Federation campaigns not only undermined the efforts of both Congress parties to stop federation, but laid the path for future discord in the national dispensation then materialising.

AbstractThis article reads Bashar al-Asad's rule through the prism of social activism and, in particular, through the field of charities. The sociopolitical transformations Syria experienced between 2000 and 2010—the shift in state–society relations, the opening of the civic arena, and economic liberalization—are explored through the activities of charitable associations, including their interactions with other Syrian actors, and we argue that they reflect the unraveling of the old social contract. The Syrian leadership outsourced important state welfare functions to charities while also creating nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) under its own control and supporting developmental NGOs loyal to the regime. These NGOs differed from the existing charities in terms of their social base, financial backgrounds, motivations, modes of institutionalization, and public relations strategies, and enabled the authoritarian regime to pursue a new strategy of divide-and-rule politics. At the same time, subcontracting poor-relief measures to charities eroded the regime's political legitimacy and helped sow the seeds of the 2011 uprising.

The discourse of political activism makes use in many cases of an intertextual rereading of historical events for purposes of discussion. This is the case of the action of the Zentrum für Politische Schönheit Erster Europäischer Mauerfall, which took place in Berlin in 2014. The action evokes the Berlin Wall and its fall in a prototypical way to project its political discourse on all the walls currently present in the world and on the consequences of their existence for some political minorities. This contribution, remaining within the theoretical horizon of digital multimodality, intends to focus on the pragmatic and linguistic strategies recurring in this action, identifying the different plans for constructing the discourse and the numerous visual linguistics conflicts essential to the communication of contents. ; The discourse of political activism makes use in many cases of an intertextual rereading of historical events for purposes of discussion. This is the case of the action of the Zentrum für Politische Schönheit Erster Europäischer Mauerfall, which took place in Berlin in 2014. The action evokes the Berlin Wall and its fall in a prototypical way to project its political discourse on all the walls currently present in the world and on the consequences of their existence for some political minorities. This contribution, remaining within the theoretical horizon of digital multimodality, intends to focus on the pragmatic and linguistic strategies recurring in this action, identifying the different plans for constructing the discourse and the numerous visual linguistics conflicts essential to the communication of contents.

AbstractThe piece focuses on how the economics of market liberalism are incapable of addressing social injustice and how we need a fundamental reset to the UK's political economy. The article comments on the ideas contained within The Everyday Economy, a publication by Rachel Reeves MP, and acknowledges the important role that everyday economic sectors (such as retail, care, transport and utilities) play, and the usefulness of these sectors as an entry point to turning back the market liberal tide through more democratic control and new forms of ownership. However, the article highlights how a new economics must go even further in terms of correcting wealth extraction, with a much deeper intentional reform of state institutions. Included within that is the need to embrace new civic activism as a means to advance democratic economic ownership and economic justice, thus sustainably reversing the market liberal hold on our economy.

Investigates the gendered division of labor in the Boston (MA) antibusing movement in the mid-1970s, drawing on 1984-1986 interviews with antibusing activists. It is found that participation in the movement did not cause women to challenge its gendered division of political labor. Women who raised these issues were threatened with losing community legitimacy, which allowed female activists to participate in an enormous variety of political activities. This variety should not mask the relatively ordered environment of the movement, which divided political tasks along coherent lines of age & gender. Thus, the antibusing movement was structured in such a way that it did not allow women to contest the fundamental political framework of their political lives. It is concluded that, once the institutional supports for the movement eroded, women activists, although possessing new political skills, quickly reverted to traditional divisions of labor in their homes & communities. 40 References. D. Ryfe

When in the summer of 2013 whistleblower Edward Snowden revealed the scope of the mass surveillance programs conducted by the National Security Agency and its international partners, privacy activists launched several global online and offline campaigns to protect privacy and resist surveillance. Applying methods of social movement frame and discourse analysis, the dissertation seeks to analyze the various ways activists have tried to shape the privacy discourse in a post 9/11 'Surveillance Society.' A close reading of activist materials and texts over the course of four campaigns – "Restore the Fourth," "Stop Watching Us," "The Day We Fight Back," and "Reset the Net" – reveals a set of frame packages, which are juxtaposed with the media coverage the campaigns have generated. In subsequent semistructured interviews with 21 activists from 14 countries, participants involved in the protest events were asked to critically reflect on framing choices, media dynamics and the degree of transnational cooperation among various privacy advocacy groups. The dissertation contributes to the field of grass roots political communication research by discussing the potentials and limits of anti-surveillance frames as well as providing a cultural and oral history of organized resistance against surveillance in the post-Snowden world.