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We call for incorporating organizations into migration scholarship, and for considering immigrants in organizational research. By centering immigrant organizations (IOs) as a unit of analysis, migration scholars can reconsider whether and how IOs affect well-being, integration, political voice, identities, globalization, and development. Migration scholars must learn from scholars of organizations, but organization scholars must in turn question assumptions of nativity and citizenship in their research. Doing so illuminates the unique challenges—and, at times, opportunities—faced by IOs, especially regarding inequities tied to legal status and stigmatization. We further argue that cross-national and transnational analyses of IOs help unpack organizational embeddedness—that is, the ways in which contexts at the local, national, binational, and geopolitical levels generate opportunities and constraints. Studying IOs raises critical questions of civic inequality and organizational stigma but also highlights IOs' potential to give voice to and effect positive change for migrant communities.

"The ethnosizer, a new measure of the intensity of a person's ethnic identity, is proposed using
information on language, culture, societal interaction, history of migration, and ethnic selfidentification. A two-dimensional version classifies immigrants into four states: integration,
assimilation, separation and marginalization. Results based on the German Socio-economic
Panel for 2001 are as follows. Young migrants are assimilated or integrated the most. While
Muslims and Christians do not integrate, both assimilate the best. Immigrants with college in
the home country separate less. Having some schooling is worse than no schooling for
integration and assimilation. While ex-Yugoslavs assimilate more, Greeks, Italians and
Spaniards are no different than Turks." [author's abstract]

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the dynamics and persistence of interpersonal trust among immigrants in the USA. More specifically, the authors investigate the association between the levels of trust of US immigrants and the levels of trust in their home countries across different cohorts and generations of immigrants.Design/methodology/approachIn order to quantify the extent of this relationship, the authors use two large sets of survey data, the General Social Survey and the World Value Survey, to construct the trust of immigrants in the USA and their levels of trust in their country of origin. The final sample size for the immigrants' trust is 27,531 observations.FindingsThe examination of the two trust variables at different levels and for different cohorts show that there is an association between the levels of US immigrants' trust and the levels of trust in the country of origin, suggesting that immigrants bring their culture with them and transmit it to the next generation. However, this association differs across various cohorts and generations of immigrants. The transmission of trust is strong in the second generation but becomes weaker in the third generation and seems to disappear in the fourth generation.Social implicationsEmpirical estimates of how long the cultural traits embodied in a new immigrant are sustained in the newly adopted country are essential to the appraisal of the current apparent segregation of immigrants in the USA.Originality/valueThis paper focuses on the under-researched area of the dynamic properties of immigrants' trust by using large data sets from social surveys. The authors examine this cultural assimilation across different cohorts and generations.

This book is a reassessment of how immigration is changing our world. The policies of multiculturalism that were implemented in the wake of postwar immigration have, after 9/11, come under intense scrutiny, and the continuing flow of populations has helped to ensure that immigration remains high on the social and political agenda. Based on his deep knowledge of the European and American experiences, the author shows how immigration entails the loss of familiar worlds, both for immigrants and for host societies, and how coming to terms with a new environment evolves from avoidance through conflict to accommodation. The conflict that accompanies all major migratory movements is not a failure of integration but part of a search for new ways to live together. It prompts an intensive process of self-examination. That is why immigration has such a profound existential impact: it goes to the heart of institutions like the welfare state and liberties like the freedom of expression. The author argues that our ability to cope with the challenges posed by immigration requires that we move beyond multiculturalism and find a new balance between openness and exclusion. Tolerance cannot be based on avoidance but should rest on the principle of reciprocity, which means that native populations cannot ask of newcomers any more than they themselves are prepared to contribute

Immigration has been a continuing source of needed manpower for the US economy during almost all periods of its history. During earlier periods, it provided large numbers of semiskilled & unskilled laborers needed to maintain our industr revolution. At present, many immigrants are contributing their badly needed skills & professional talents to our increasingly complex economy. It is anticipated that this pattern, of immigrants matching their skills with the needs of our labor market, which has proven so beneficial to the immigrants themselves as well as to our economy, will continue into the future. HA.

Gary p. Freeman, Inmigrant Lobo and Racial Conflict in Industrial Societies: The Fwnch and British Experience. 1945–1975Ray C. Rist, Guestworkers in Germany: The Prospccls for Pluralism

No specialized empirical res on DEL'cy among immigrants has yet been completed in the UK. Nevertheless, it is possible, on the basis of existing data, to reach some tentative conclusions. Crime among Irish immigrants appears to be relatively high in most offense groups even after allowance has been made for age. Qualifications need to be made, however, with respect to many soc factors. Crime among Commonwealth immigrants tends to be generally low, except in crimes of violence where domestic disputes play an important part in adding to the statistical total/sum of violence. There is need for further information about crime among immigrants in the UK, which can be provided by: (1) inclusion of figures about country of origin in the criminal statistics, & (2) further res to test the formulations derived from US & Israeli experience of immigration. A review of theoretical formulations about crime among immigrants reveals a situation of some uncertainty, & some tendency for theory to outstrip empirical data. There is a need to look more closely at the types of crimes committed by immigrants, & at individual factors in migrations. Immigrant offenders present certain special difficulties in sentencing & treatment, eg they may be liable to be deported after conviction. Modified Author's Summary.