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The following sampler from the Iranian press reflects its wide range of debate and new freedom to comment and criticise

As a result of its union with Lithuania at the end of the fourteenth century, Poland, for about 400 years, came into the immediate neighborhood of Muslim states the Golden Horde, the Khanate of Crimea and, last but not least, Ottoman Turkey. Poland's relations with her Eastern and Southeastern neighbors, though often hostile, were not limited to wars; diplomatic and economic contacts were maintained, and Eastern provinces of the country became a territory of symbiosis and mutual cultural influence. Oriental minorities living within the borders of the Polish state--Armenians, Tatars, Karaites--assumed the role of mediators between the Christian and Muslim realms. Thus, Poland's contact with the Islamic world was relatively close in this period. Both practical and theoretical Oriental interests in Poland were focused on the Ottoman Empire, as was natural for both Poland and other European countries in this epoch of Ottoman domination of the entire Near East.

Ironically, the title of my 1987 World Policy Journal article, "Iranian Imbroglios: Who's Irrational?" could serve as well today, 21 years later, for another essay on U.S. policy in Iran. My original effort noted the folly of U.S. government hubris—believing it could maneuver the Iranian revolutionary leadership to act in American interests in the Cold War against the Soviets. Seeing all international issues in terms of the Cold War contributed to our trying to find ruling "moderates" in the Iran-Contra scandal, and also to our subsequent backing of Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War.

From December 1930, when the first Iranian feature film was made to the 1980s, the connections between Persian literature and the Iranian cinema have been intimate, varied, and significant. In fact, an examination of the Iranian cinema in terms of the roles literature plays in it demonstrates that the cinema constitutes an important aspect of the sociology of the Iranian writer, especially from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s.This essay surveys the role of literature and Iranian writers in the Iranian cinema and then focuses on a prominent example of the relationship between literature and movies, the popular 1971 film called Dash Akol, for the purpose of indicating differences in the aims and effects of the two art forms.

International law in general — Relation to municipal law — Treaties — German — Persian Establishment Convention 1929 — Requirement that neither State naturalize a national of the other party without the consent of that party — Effect in German law — Interpretation — Effect of silence in response to request for consent — The law of the Federal Republic of GermanyThe individual in international law — In general — Human rights and freedoms — Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 — Right of the individual to choose his nationality — Restrictions — The law of the Federal Republic of GermanyThe individual in international law — Nationality — Nationality — of married women — Foreigner marrying German national — Difference in treatment of men and women by the national legislature — The law of Federal Republic of GermanyThe individual in international law — Nationality — Acquisition of nationality — Grant of nationality a matter for each State — German — Persian Establishment Convention 1929 — Requirement that neither party naturalize citizens of the other State without the other State's consent — Whether consistent with international law — Effect of silence by Iranian Government in response to repeated requests for consent — Whether lack of entitlement to naturalization of foreign male, married to German woman, discriminatory — The law of the Federal Republic of Germany

Middle Eastern Muslim men have been historically subjected to stereotypical representations in the West. Although these men are categorically hypervisible for Western audiences as a similar type, among them Iranian men in particular, have been subject to a specific kind of marginalization. Following the 1979 Islamic revolution and the American hostage crisis in Iran, Iranian men and masculinity have become hypervisible as violent and religiously fanatic. While Western discourses of representation contributed greatly to the construction and representation of this specific kind of masculinity which marginalized and stigmatized Iranian men, Iranians themselves, have played a significant role in reaffirming this view. Ironically, contributing most to the reinforcement of this discourse has been Iranian women's narratives in English in the West, in the form of memoirs and fictional accounts. These popular accounts have played a significant part in marginalizing and emphasizing a hypervisible and stereotypical representation of Iranian men. This paper considers the representation of Iranian men and masculinity as presented through Iranian women's narratives in the West in English. By drawing on specific narratives and accounts, it examines how socio-political and historical contexts both in the West and in Iran, have led to Iranian women's representation of Iranian men hypervisibly. Then, through an examination of some narratives by Iranian men, this paper examines how such representations have led to emphasizing the discourse of exclusion and otherness of Iranian men in the West, hampering the actual smooth integration of diasporic Iranian men into their adopted homes.

This paper examines the complexity of the Iranian foreign policy through the case of Iranian nuclear program. The paper aims to assess foreign policy orientations and compares actions of the last three Iranian presidents, Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and current Hassan Rouhani in dealing with the international community (IC) in pursuing its nuclear program. This assessment would not be complete without reference to the Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei who is actual head of the state and the most powerful political authority.This paper also relates Iranian foreign policy expectation to competing theories of international relations to identify the most dominant or the most consistent policy orientation. Its aim is to strengthen realist and power-based explanations that have dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern in general and Iranian foreign policy in particular.In this context, a number of questions will be addressed here. To what extend was Iranian negotiation with the IC over its nuclear program consistent throughout these three presidencies? What has changed, if anything, from Iranian foreign policy perspective and why? Can Iranian foreign policy behavior on this specific topic and in this specific time be explained through any international relations theory? As there are many other questions, so there are many theories to examine and explain true Iranian intentions, those below the surface of declared goals (Hadzikadunic, 2014).The methods employed in answering these questions are largely structured around a chronological account and comparative approach. It is also based on the analysis of foreign policy discourse and the assessment of key decision makers.

The June 2009 uprising following Iran's presidential election sparked the immediate scattering of its women's rights leaders across the globe. Activists living in exile took their activities online to pursue on-the-ground projects, initiating online campaigns and raising feminist awareness. Seven years later, this transition to cyberspace has had innumerable consequences for Iran's feminist movement. This article examines five Iranian rights-based platforms—Bidarzani, Women's Watch, Feminism Everyday, My Stealthy Freedom, and ZananTV—and their use of social media to vocalize and extend women's rights advocacy. Given the flourishing of cyberfeminist projects, it is worth investigating both the methodologies employed and the unforeseen constraints and costs that have emerged. For instance, do these undertakings challenge women's political and economic status in Iran? Is their activism a new and unique form of feminism? This paper explores their move online, tracing the shifts in Iran's women's rights movement, its current challenges, and its potential vulnerabilities.

Those who are familiar with the history of Muslim civilization in Southeast Asia in general, and in Thailand in particular, might be conversant with traces of the Malay or Arabic cultural and religious influences in this region. Cultural interchanges between Iran and maritime Southeast Asia during the pre-Islamic period have been studied by a number of scholars including Brian Colless who wrote several works on the activities of Nestorian and Armenian Christians in the region during the Sasanid period. Much more work has been done on Iranian influences in the spread of Islam into Southeast Asia although the interpretation of the phenomenon often depends on the religious perspective of the writer. Much of the modern literature focuses on actual or alleged Persian elements in Malay language, literature, and culture.The purpose of the present paper is to review some of the literature to date on the Iranian community in the Siamese Ayutthaya kingdom in the seventeenth century and to highlight the main problems those studies have focused on.

Abstract
Iranian nationalism and its implications for historiography remains one of the more contested areas of study among scholars of Iran and most studies will make reference to it consciously or unconsciously in their discussion of continuity and change. Two broad schools of thought have emerged; one that is radically modernist in its approach, drawing on the ideas of Edward Said, while the other derives its inspiration from the Cambridge school and the field of hermeneutics. This impressive collection of essays suggests the former and excels at the latter, with diverse studies analyzing the origins of nationalist ideology and its successes and failures over the last century. Imbued with Enlightenment ideas, Iranian nationalism has yet to succeed in transforming itself from an ideology of state control to one of social emancipation as its founding fathers had hoped.