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Body Packers or Drug Mules, as they are often referred to, represent a method of drug trafficking that has gained popularity since the 1970's. It appears to be most popular as a method of transporting powder drugs such as Cocaine and Heroin; as it is a surreptitious method of couriering, there is little mystery as to why the method was developed. This review aims to decipher why there is the necessity for this dangerous and flawed method of trafficking, focusing on cocaine in particular. The paper will review the evolution of cocaine body packing, how legislation and the cartels worked together to force the development of drug mules, and the effect this method of trafficking has on the individuals who become the packers, or 'mules'. A thorough understanding of the development and risks associated with this most dangerous practice, may contribute to the efforts to eradicate this method of cocaine trafficking.

Britain's newspaper and magazine publishing business did not fare particularly well during the 1950s. With leading newspaper proprietors placing their desire for political influence above that of financial performance, and with working practices in Fleet Street becoming virtually ungovernable, it was little surprise to find many leading periodical publishers on the verge of bankruptcy by the decade's end. A singular exception to this general picture of financial mismanagement was provided by the chain of enterprises controlled by Roy Thomson. Having first established a base in Scotland in 1953 through the acquisition of the Scotsman newspaper publishing group, the Canadian entrepreneur brought a new commercial attitude and business strategy to bear on Britain's publishing industry. Using profits generated by a string of successful media activities, in 1959 Thomson bought a place in Fleet Street through the acquisition of Lord Kemsey's chain of newspapers, which included the prestigious Sunday Times. Early in 1961 Thomson came to an agreement with Christopher Chancellor, the recently appointed Chief Executive of Odhams Press, to merge their two publishing groups and thereby create a major new force in the British newspaper and magazine publishing industry. The deal was never consummated however. Within days of publicly announcing the merger, Odhams found its shareholders being seduced by an improved offer from Cecil King, Chairman of Daily Mirror Newspapers, Ltd., which they duly accepted. The Mirror's acquisition of Odhams was deeply controversial, mainly because it brought under common ownership the two left-leaning British popular newspapers, the Mirror and the Herald. The current paper utilises archive sources from the Cabinet Office to explore the political dialogue that enabled the controversial takeover to proceed unopposed by the regulatory authority of the Monopolies Commission. In business terms, it analyses the implication of the successful prosecution of the deal for magazine publishing in Britain: the creation of a virtual monopoly through the formation of the Mirror-controlled IPC Magazines, and Thomson's hostile response to this new enterprise spearheaded through his ownership of the Sunday Times.

Abstract
One of the turning points in the 1960 presidential campaign was a gathering of 150 Protestant ministers at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington on September 7, 1960, two days after Labor Day. During the closed-door gathering, Protestant leaders, including Norman Vincent Peale, unanimously adopted a statement warning about the dangers to the First Amendment and the separation of church and state should a Roman Catholic be elected president. Drawing on newly available archival sources, this article examines the role of religion in the 1960 campaign, including John F. Kennedy's long struggle to neutralize the issue and the significance of Paul Blanshard's 1949 best-seller, American Freedom and Catholic Power. Although Peale was roundly criticized for his role in the Mayflower gathering, the real force behind the meeting was Billy Graham, who did not attend. After assuring Kennedy in a letter dated August 10, 1960, that he, Graham, would not raise the religious issue in the campaign, Graham, at Peale's behest, convened a group of Protestant ministers at the Montreux Palace Hotel in Switzerland eight days later to discuss how they could deny Kennedy's election in November. The direct consequence of the Montreux meeting was the Mayflower Hotel gathering. While Peale took the heat for the meeting, Graham continued to play both sides, insisting publicly that he was neutral in the presidential race while working behind the scenes to advance Nixon's candidacy, a strategy he employed again twenty years later in an attempt to jettison the reelection of a fellow evangelical, Jimmy Carter.

• Opsomming: In 1855 het Sir George Grey daarin geslaag om 'n onwillige Britse regering te oorreed om 'n jaarlikse bedrag van £40 000 by te dra vir die onderhoud van Brits Kaffraria. Terselfdertyd het hy 'n toekenning van £5 000 van die Kaapse Tesourie aangebied, alhoewel hierdie aanbod nooit voor die nuut gevormde parlement gedien het nie. Hierdie referaat ondersoek hoe Grey dit kon regkry, asook die bron van die Kaap se klaarblyklike vrygewigheid. ; • Summary: Sir George Grey, once the idol of South African historians, has become the object of reproach in recent revisionist studies. The change in attitude has mostly to do with a historiographical shift, from a focus that was once centred predominantly on the White ruling elite to one that concentrates more on the effects of colonialism on the indigenous populations of southern Africa. Early historians like John Rutherford praised Grey for the apparent progress of his administration. Revisionist historians like Jeff Peires, on the other hand, revile the Governor for his attitude towards the African peoples which they believe was somehow instrumental in causing such things as the Cattle Killing episode within British Kaffraria and in the trans-Keian territory.

In a 1987 interview with BBC Radio 1 DJ, Mike Read, members of the British pop group Five Star collectively stated that their hopes and wishes for 1988 were to crack America that is, to achieve comparable success in the US music market to what they had in the UK. Formed in 1983, the five-sibling group had a string of highly successful UK releases between 1985 and 1987, including six Top 10 hits. In 1987, they received a prestigious Brit Award for Best British Group, largely based on the success of their second album, Silk and Steel. Yet following the release of Five Stars fourth album, Rock the World, in August 1988, the groups highest-ranking song would reach a paltry Number 49 on the UK Singles Chart. This article centers, Rock the World, as the key hinge in Five Stars dramatic decline. The group never cracked the US market their highest Billboard Hot 100 song being the 1986 single, Cant Wait Another Minute (peaking at Number 41) and remain virtually unknown to most American music fans. By combining a production of culture approach to organizational sociology, a musicological examination of the history and boundary maintenance of key genres, and a critical assessment of how the groups Black Britishness was presented and received, I argue that Five Stars short-lived visibility in the UK and invisibility in the US had little to do with the quality of their music and can be attributed to industry politics and the transnational impacts of prevailing notions of race, genre, and authenticity on popular music reception. ; Published version