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"Acknowledgements" -- "Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Part I Prelude" -- "Chapter 1 Empires: Dead, Dying and Dormant " -- "Past Empires: Impact" -- "Failed Empire: Grandiosity" -- "Future Empires: Inevitability" -- "Past Empires: Relics Revisited" -- "Close Circle: From the Ruins of Empire to Japanese Imperialism" -- "Part II Prologue" -- "Chapter 2 Empires: West and East—Curious Conjunction and Contemporary Consequences, Complexity and Circumstances " -- "A Tale of Two Empires: Japanese Adaptation and British Inspiration" -- "Adaptation: The Japanese Empire Circa 1940" -- "The British Empire Circa 1890: Inspiration" -- "The Making of British Imperial Masculinity" -- "Playing Field and Battlefield: Symbiosis" -- "Comments and Caveats" -- "Cultural Stereotypes: Cultural Consequences: Crucial Resonances" -- "Athleticism and Bushido: Mutuality: The Way of the Warrior" -- "Imperialism: 'Caveat Emptor:' Continuities and Discontinuities" -- "A Fresh Lens and a New Focus" -- "Japanese Complexity" -- "Japanese Idiosyncrasy" -- "Japanese Irony" -- "Japanese Imperialism: Distinctiveness and Disparity, Dislike and Distrust" -- "Distinctiveness and Disparity" -- "Dislike and Distrust" -- "Japanese Nationalism" -- "Ethical Ethnocentrism" -- "Victor and Victim" -- "Imperial Education: Self-Sacrifice Exalted" -- "Asymmetrical Ideological Association: Japanese Proselytizers of 'Anglo-Saxon' Athleticism" -- "Nemesis" -- "A Long and Dark Shadow" -- "APPENDIX ONE" -- "APPENDIX TWO" -- "References" -- "Part III Regional Reactions and Responses: Korea" -- "Chapter 3 Japanese Imperial Sport as Failed Cultural Conditioning: Korean 'Recalcitrance' " -- "Introduction" -- "Colonized Korea" -- "Introduction" -- "Japanese Colonial Sports Policies, Korean Sport and Korean Reactions During the Three Colonial Periods

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Democracy and Resentment -- Essay I. Reimagining the People: From Duas Civitates to E Pluribus Unum to E Unibus Duo -- Essay II. The Rise of the Politics of Resentment -- Essay III. The Rhetoric of Violence -- Conclusion: Resentment Ad Hominem and Ad Ratio: A Plea for Rhetorical Criticism -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

AbstractUnderstanding the legacy of settler colonialism requires understanding the nature and scope of anti-Indigenous attitudes. But what, exactly, are the political consequences of anti-Indigenous attitudes? Answering this question requires recognizing that attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are distinct from White racial attitudes toward other disempowered groups. In this paper, I introduce a novel measure of Indigenous resentment. I then show that Indigenous resentment is an important predictor of policy attitudes using data collected from an original survey of White settlers. I estimate the effect of both Indigenous resentment and negative affect on policy attitudes—opposition to welfare and support for pipeline developments—to make the case that Indigenous resentment is a better measure of anti-Indigenous attitudes than affective prejudice, and that Indigenous resentment is an important omitted variable in the study of public opinion in settler societies.

There is an ongoing debate in the racial attitudes literature about the degree to which new racism measures actually tap negative racial beliefs. Racial resentment is one construct that has been criticized on such grounds. To date, Kinder and Sanders (1996) have proposed the most commonly utilized measure of racial resentment, which is largely based on a similar construct -- symbolic racism. The authors enter this discussion by proposing and testing an alternative racial resentment measure, one that is more explicit. They analyze data from two convenience samples of college students and from two national adult samples. They find the Explicit Racial Resentment (EXR) measure to have strong measurement properties and associations with known correlates of racial attitudes, suggesting promise as a survey-based indicator of underlying racial resentment. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

There is an ongoing debate in the racial attitudes literature about the degree to which new racism measures actually tap negative racial beliefs. Racial resentment is one construct that has been criticized on such grounds. To date, Kinder and Sanders (1996) have proposed the most commonly utilized measure of racial resentment, which is largely based on a similar construct—symbolic racism. The authors enter this discussion by proposing and testing an alternative racial resentment measure, one that is more explicit. They analyze data from two convenience samples of college students and from two national adult samples. They find the Explicit Racial Resentment (EXR) measure to have strong measurement properties and associations with known correlates of racial attitudes, suggesting promise as a survey-based indicator of underlying racial resentment.

Foreword / by Paul Snowdon -- Intellectual autobiography / by P.F. Strawson -- Freedom and resentment -- Social morality and individual ideal -- Imagination and perception -- Causation in perception -- Perception and identification -- Categories -- Wittgenstein's philosophical investigations -- Self, mind, and body -- Aesthetic appraisal and works of art -- Is existence never a predicate? -- On understanding the structure of one's language

AbstractWe explore the annual number of death sentences imposed on black and white offenders within each US state from 1989 through 2017, with particular attention to the impact of aggregate levels of racial resentment. Controlling for general ideological conservatism, homicides, population size, violent crime, institutional and partisan factors, and the inertial nature of death sentencing behavior, we find that racial hostility translates directly into more death sentences, particularly for black offenders. Racial resentment itself reflects each state's history of racial strife; we show powerful indirect effects of a history of lynching and of racial population shares. These effects are mediated through contemporaneous levels of racial resentment. Our findings raise serious questions about the appropriateness of the ultimate punishment, as they show its deep historical and contemporary connection to white racial hostility toward blacks.

Review of the book «Modern political science: Methodology» ed. by O. V. Gaman-Golutvina and A. I. Nikitin, Moscow, Aspect Press, 2019.The article examines some of the resentment related issues of modern politics, using a number of methodological approaches (identitarian approach, constructivist institutionalism, cultural and civilizational approaches, psychological-political and elitist, as well as gender approaches), described in the collective work of the Russian renowned academics "Modern political science: Methodology". These are the cleavages between traditional politics vs post- and pseudo-politics (shift from the normal politics made by consolidating broad strata to self-centered, exclusive, and increasingly differentiated and closed groups of pseudo-policies), conventional political leadership vs populism and anti-elitism (the rapid growth of populists on a global scale, the spread of anti-establishment sentiment, "populism of power" and the crisis of responsible leadership), formal and informal institutions vs personification of politics (reducing the role of institutions and increasing the importance of the human factor ), socio-economic basis of policy vs socio-cultural basis (emphasis on ethnic, religious and gender factors). The resentment as both the cause and effect of identity politics, is a result of an unfair distribution of goods and evils of globalization, or the manifestation of accumulated negative emotions and unjustified expectations. It generalizes these trends and issues and requires new research approaches, since traditional rationalistic approaches based on the theory of rational choice become less effective. To meet the challenges of resentment era, political science should keep balance between rationalism and reflexivity. This balance provides a single epistemological basis for the study of current political reality. It has been successfully reached by the authors of the book "Modern political science: Methodology". The book posits the idea of the fundamental irreducibility of methodology to the sum of the methods. In this regard the volume differs from similar publications aiming to present a wide scope of political methodology. The logic of the representation used by the editors is moving from general to particular, from societal to human, from global to local. The book demonstrates the wide diversity of methodological approaches and the rejection of the ideas of universalism, which adequately characterizes the state of Russian political science. The work is remarkable because it not only reflects, but also structures the Russian political science.

Resentment is a complex, multi-layered emotion, within which perceptions of unfairness and feelings of anger are central. When linked to politics, it has predominantly been associated with the alleged "crisis of representative democracy" and populism. However, recent studies have shown that resentment can intervene positively in people's relations to politics and political institutions by facilitating certain types of political participation (Capelos & Demertzis, 2018). Despite this, the concept of resentment, and hence its role in contemporary representative democracy, is often poorly defined, with empirical investigations of its manifestation(s) remaining scarce. Borrowing a conceptualization of resentment as "resentful affectivity," our article draws on the analysis of focus groups carried out in Belgium (2019–2020) with individuals where resentful affectivity is likely to be observed (i.e., contemporary movements of contestation such as the Yellow Vests, Youth for Climate, and individuals who occupy a socially disadvantaged position). We find that experiences of intense anger, fear, disappointment, and the unfairness of representative democracy, i.e., of how representative democracy works on the ground, coexist simultaneously with remaining hopes in the democratic system. We show how this complex blend of emotions confronts citizens with what we call a "democratic dilemma." We document the different ways in which citizens cope with this dilemma and conclude by highlighting both the positive and negative ways in which resentment intervenes in the contemporary "crisis of representative democracy."

Resentment is a complex, multi‐layered emotion, within which perceptions of unfairness and feelings of anger are central. When linked to politics, it has predominantly been associated with the alleged "crisis of representative democracy" and populism. However, recent studies have shown that resentment can intervene positively in people's relations to politics and political institutions by facilitating certain types of political participation (Capelos & Demertzis, 2018). Despite this, the concept of resentment, and hence its role in contemporary representative democracy, is often poorly defined, with empirical investigations of its manifestation(s) remaining scarce. Borrowing a conceptualization of resentment as "resentful affectivity," our article draws on the analysis of focus groups carried out in Belgium (2019–2020) with individuals where resentful affectivity is likely to be observed (i.e., contemporary movements of contestation such as the Yellow Vests, Youth for Climate, and individuals who occupy a socially disadvantaged position). We find that experiences of intense anger, fear, disappointment, and the unfairness of representative democracy, i.e., of how representative democracy works on the ground, coexist simultaneously with remaining hopes in the democratic system. We show how this complex blend of emotions confronts citizens with what we call a "democratic dilemma." We document the different ways in which citizens cope with this dilemma and conclude by highlighting both the positive and negative ways in which resentment intervenes in the contemporary "crisis of representative democracy."

Resentment is a complex, multi‐layered emotion, within which perceptions of unfairness and feelings of anger are central. When linked to politics, it has predominantly been associated with the alleged "crisis of representative democracy" and populism. However, recent studies have shown that resentment can intervene positively in people's relations to politics and political institutions by facilitating certain types of political participation (Capelos & Demertzis, 2018). Despite this, the concept of resentment, and hence its role in contemporary representative democracy, is often poorly defined, with empirical investigations of its manifestation(s) remaining scarce. Borrowing a conceptualization of resentment as "resentful affectivity," our article draws on the analysis of focus groups carried out in Belgium (2019–2020) with individuals where resentful affectivity is likely to be observed (i.e., contemporary movements of contestation such as the Yellow Vests, Youth for Climate, and individuals who occupy a socially disadvantaged position). We find that experiences of intense anger, fear, disappointment, and the unfairness of representative democracy, i.e., of how representative democracy works on the ground, coexist simultaneously with remaining hopes in the democratic system. We show how this complex blend of emotions confronts citizens with what we call a "democratic dilemma." We document the different ways in which citizens cope with this dilemma and conclude by highlighting both the positive and negative ways in which resentment intervenes in the contemporary "crisis of representative democracy."

Resentment is a powerful human emotion that has both private and social dimensions where it manifests in a variety of ways. It has been identified as the force behind uprisings against racial, economic, and political inequality and injustice throughout time, as well as in the contemporary scene. Its moral and socio-political implications have been reflected on ever since Nietzsche identified it as a major contributing factor in the genealogy of morality. Max Scheler made a brilliant phenomenological analysis of it, and Francis Fukuyama recently identified it as a significant force in shaping contemporary identity politics. It has become a significant political force in contemporary South Africa, where the politics of reconciliation have largely been displaced by the politics of resentment. Although it has generally been viewed as having negative consequences for the social compact, its moral justification in specific circumstances has been powerfully made by the holocaust survivor Jean Amery and more recently by Didier Fassin with regard to post-apartheid South Africa. However, it is often accompanied by what Nietzsche called the "falsification of the tablets of value", which also means that it may lead to alternative mental constructions of reality that might result in delusional perspectives that can have dire social and moral consequences.