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Portugal's presence in Guiné-Bissau through eleven years of intense guerrilla war was justified by the doctrine of 'pluricontinentalim'. In this view concession to nationalist pressure in one part of the 'indivisible state' would lead inevitably to the collapse of the whole. The defence of Portuguese Guiné, therefore, was the price to be paid for the maintenance of the infinitely more valuable territories of Angola and Mozambique. While the Salazar regime was rigid in its adherence to this doctrine, some movement was detectable under his successor from 1968, Marcello Caetano. The governor-general in Guiné, General Spínola, was permitted to explore possibilities of negotiation. Politically insecure in the face of residual Salazarist power in the regime, however, Caetano abandoned this approach in 1972. This apparent loss of nerve would contribute to the overthrow of the Lisbon regime by its own military in 1974 – despite recently revealed secret talks between Lisbon and the Guinea nationalists on the very eve of the coup.

At the end of June 1997, the mandate of the third United Nations

Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM III) was completed with
conditional success, and superseded by the more modestly manned and
resourced Observation Mission in Angola (Missão de Observação
das
Nações Unidas em Angola – MONUA). The 'draw-down'
of
UNAVEM III marked the end of one period in the UN's somewhat
chequered history of engagement in Angola. The completion of its
mandate followed the apparent commitment on the part of UNITA
(União Nacional para a Indepêndencia Total de Angola) to move

ahead to the final implementation of the Lusaka Protocol of November
1994. By the terms of this protocol, UNITA was to demobilise the
greater part of its army and integrate the remainder into the national

armed forces (the FAA – Forças Armadas Angolanas). Already
in
April, UNITA had complied with a central part of the political
requirements of the protocol by inaugurating a new coalition
government of national unity with the ruling MPLA-PT (Movimento
de Libertação de Angola – Partido Trabalhista).

"European Security after Iraq" examines the impact of the 'second' Gulf War on European politics. It explores key questions about the impact of the conflict on national, European and transatlantic politics such as the extent to which the war has created new cleavages between the foreign and security policies of European states or merely confirmed existing ones. Its national focus is on states on both the so-called 'old' and 'new' Europe (a classification the book, in fact, calls into question). Important issues around the institutional architecture of European security before and after the war are also discussed. The book's nine chapters deal with background issues, such as the place of the war in the broader discourse of European security, institutional analyses of NATO and the EU, and area studies of France, the Balkans, eastern Europe and Turkey. It will be of particular use in upper level undergraduate and taught postgraduate courses on contemporary Europe, transatlantic relations and international security

The visit of the Portuguese premier Marcelo Caetano to London in July 1973 failed to boost Portugal's international respectability. Instead, despite the qualified sympathy of the British Conservative government, the visit highlighted Lisbon's isolation from the realities of the cold war and detente. Public protests punctuated the visit, and the gulf between the attitudes of the main British political parties to Portugal and its African policies was exposed. Labour's subsequent return to power in 1974 coincided with the overthrow of the Caetano regime and the new London government helped mediate the outwardly alarming 'revolutionary process' in Portugal to a nervous western alliance. Adapted from the source document.