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AbstractThis study uses relevance theory as an insightful heuristic model for translation quality assessment. As translation inherently involves communicating across contextual boundaries, the notion of relevance optimization continues to be a fruitful approach for research and practice. This investigation illuminates idioms as culturally embedded linguistic conventions, semantically abstruse, yet structurally crystallized. Idioms accrue fixed meanings within a speech community rather than by compositing constituent denotations. Classical Arabic poetry extensively harnesses idioms, not as ornamental substitutes for literal statements, but as intensive versions thereof. Losing idioms risks muting tonal intensity. By examining an Arabic verse exemplifying two idioms, and assessing thirteen English and French translations, this study reveals that an effective idiom translation requires looking beyond lexical equivalence. Rather, contextually unraveling connotative lexicons and reconstituting the idiom to achieve equivalent effects and optimal relevance is key. Thereby, successful idiom translation is defined not by formal correspondence, but by conveying implicated meanings and intended impacts. This work elucidates idiom translatability through an interdisciplinary relevance prism, advancing theory and equipping practitioners to navigate the interlingual labyrinth.

Since the first Five Year Plan, Pakistan's development policy has been modelled around the development philosophy of Dr. Mahboob Ul Haq and the Harvard Advisory Group (HAQ/HAG). As a result, the key features of the country's policy over the past six decades, as summarised by Haque (2020), 1 have revolved around: (1) A focus on building physical infrastructure through discrete projects of sectors in the economy, with infrastructure having a share of about 80 percent in the PSDP. (2) Planning to develop medium term budget to finance sectoral hardware. (3) Seeking foreign aid to meet financing gap in the plan given an expected shortfall in domestic savings. This approach has led to: (1) An excessive focus on "brick and mortar" development. (2) Fragmented projects as Planning Commission was weakened by repeated BoP crises and resorting to IMF programmes. (3) Weakening standards on project development implementation and cost – due to increased politicisation.

Abstract
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi uses self-reflexive symbols. He called himself Watchman and weaved a campaign around it. This article sees Modi's campaign alongside Durkheim's The Elementary Forms of Religious Life: emergence of Modi's Watchman image as a totem, emergence of a clan of believers, collective effervescence, coming of a civilising hero, and Modi becoming a great god. The totem and the clan 'disappeared' on the last day of the elections. Only the great god remained to resurrect in millions of banners in public spaces saying: 'Thank you, PM Modi'. This journey of this Dionysian election campaign with emotive symbols and meticulously planned spectacles built an illusion of a society with religion in its elementary form replacing the modern society for the election period.

Cosmetics products have been used for personal body care to improve the appearance of the human body. This study attempts to the awareness and consumption pattern of cosmetic products among the female students in the Mayiladuthurai This study is empirical in nature based on the online survey method. Six hundred seventy-five samples have taken for the study; a multistage proportionate stratified random sampling technique has adopted for the study. Out of 675 Samples 26.52 percent are from Government colleges, 45.33 percent are from Aided Colleges, and 28.15 percent are from Self-Finance Colleges Anderson's methods of writing techniques are followed by the study. The researcher strongly believes that if a suggestion offered in the study has considered being necessary actions for the concerned persons, the expectations the consumers have to point out by the respondents may come true.

The primary cause of deforestation is Man and also, he is the first to suffer from deforestation. The study is set to illustrate this under the title 'Ecology in the Kanagan novel'. The novel sets out to explain who is responsible for deforestation and why they are doing it. The destruction of elephants at the instigation of big bosses also highlights the irresponsibility of forest officials who do not see them. The novel also reveals that the hill people, 'Pali', are being blamed for the ongoing deforestation and killing of elephants for their selfish ends. Along with these, the medical team that visits from time to time in the name of medical help can find out about the rare herbaceous plants in the forest, which are known to steal vines and eventually become extinct. The novel depicts the opposition of the hill people to this disgrace and sets out to bring about social change which is caused as a consequence of that. This article explains the role that elephants play in augmenting forest resources and the benefits they bring to wildlife. It also suggests that elephants have evolved into tools that work for humans during the twentieth century. Laws enacted by the government to protect wild elephants are being scrutinized in this review article. The tigers are threatened as an endangered species, revealing the steps taken by the government to protect the tigers. The study also says that the people have to protect the forests and the rare species of elephants and tigers that live in them from the brink of extinction.

In this review of Andrew March's book, The Caliphate of Man, I shall focus on one central concept and one central claim to be found in the book: the concept of Islamic democracy, and the claim that al-Ghannūshī's vision of popular sovereignty "reflects a genuine intellectual revolution in modern Islamic thought." I suggest that the concept of Islamic democracy is logically possible only on the assumption of a purely procedural, value-neutral conception of democracy, and that the vision of the umma [the demos, populus] to be found in al-Ghannūshī is not such as to make the notion of popular sovereignty desirable by modern standards. I will suggest further that liberal Islamist thinkers stand to offer a superior view of Islamic democracy, one toward which al-Ghannūshī himself seems to be moving in his post-Revolutionary political practice.

AbstractWhen recipients of humanitarian aid deployed their own calculus in determining the uses of the aid, nongovernmental (NGOs) and state officials read these actions as evidence of moral deficiency. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in the aftermath of the tsunami of 2004 in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu's Nagapattinam District, this article examines such actions in terms of the contradictions they illuminated and argues for an analytical strategy that foregrounds the politics of receiving and demanding aid. Reading fisher actions criticized by NGO or state officials as implicit critiques of the aims or claims of either, this article foregrounds a reading of humanitarian "gifts" as strategic and political maneuvering. Recipients rejected both the depoliticizing allure of NGO developmentalism and the state's unwillingness to link legality with rights. In one case study, fishers instead put a gift to use in ways that suited their most pressing concerns: sustaining their coastal life and the artisanal economy. The article also problematizes the divergent tendencies of a politics of rights and a hierarchically organized politics of caste identity. For the second case study, this article critically examines how fishers struggling with shoddy NGO housing turned their political ire against a far weaker community of Dalits. [NGO, humanitarianism, neoliberalization, India, gift]