This essay examines the cyclical behavior and stability properties of four different measures of the labor share of income in the United States from 1948 through 2006. The evidence suggests that the share exhibits instability. This instability is sensitive to the measure of labor share deployed and whether that measure has been adjusted for the changing sectoral composition of production over time. We test a number of competing hypotheses about the determinants of the behavior of cyclical labor share, showing that its movements are traceable to just two indicators of the business cycle, namely lagged gross domestic product (GDP) and lagged multifactor productivity.
This paper analyzes state budgetary processes and reforms to inform California budgetary policy. We consider key institutional provisions, including budget periodicity, tax and expenditure limitations, balanced budget and reserve requirements, and supermajority vote requirements, and analyze the extent to which changes are likely to advance procedural norms. Our analysis suggests that empirically unproven assumptions and poorly articulated linkages between budgetary processes and outcomes have undermined the state's ability to understand the budgetary problem and identify effective reforms. We recommend a focus on procedural norms and related reforms that promote effective budgeting processes as a less partisan framework for reform.
Considers (71) S. 2757. ; Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part III ; Considers (71) S. 2757. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The critical role of education and participation of electorates in elections is crucial to the survival and sustenance of democracy in the Cross River State. This paper examines the relationship between Voter education and participation in elections in the state. The paper establishes that given the level of education of the electorates, there is compelling need for providing awareness and enlightenment to the citizens on the importance and necessity of exercising their franchise. On this basis, the paper highlights the correlation between education and participation of eligible voters in the electoral processes. The paper adopts the neo-liberalist theory as the framework of analysis and uses qualitative descriptive data collection technique and analysis. The qualitative descriptive method is based on secondary sources. On the basis of findings, the lukewarm attitude towards Voter education accounts for the poor turnout and participation of voters in elections. More so, the win-by-all-cost syndrome has dampened the spirit of the electorates in casting their votes among other reasons. The paper therefore recommends effective education of voters to enhance their participation in elections. Thus, unless and until the education of voters is given the seriousness of attention it deserves, the enhancement of meaning electioneering activities and the realization of free, fair and credible elections in Cross River State remains a mirage.
Shipping list no.: 85-1089-P. ; "Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing"--T.p. verso. ; Cover title: Lister Hill, late a Senator from Alabama, memorial addresses and tributes in the Congress of the United States. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 14
Despite its unprecedented militarization, the U.S.-Mexico border continues to be the world's most crossed border, with Arizona serving as a key site for unauthorized entry. Moreover, although immigration policy remains a federal prerogative, day-to-day immigration enforcement has increasingly required the involvement of local actors. That there is a large undocumented population despite border buildup, and devolved enforcement despite federal preemption, has sparked political struggles at the local level. This dissertation examines these struggles. Drawing on 16 months of ethnography (2010-2012) with two pro-immigrant and three immigration restrictionist organizations in Arizona, as well as 70 interviews with activists, I show how contrasting assessments of the state's strength shape each movement's worldview, goals, and strategies. To explain this variation, I propose the concepts of 'strong-state effect' and 'weak-state effect.' A group experiencing the strong-state effect sees the state as a powerful, predatory, and well-coordinated structure, while the weak-state effect produces the perception of the state as feeble, inept, and internally incoherent. In this study, the pro-immigrant movement subscribed to the idea of a strong state, while the restrictionist countermovement experienced the weak-state effect. Pro-immigrant activists contended that the problem of undocumented immigration was the result of the state's unrestrained coercive power. These activists used the metaphor of 'Nazification' to articulate the fear that the state was growing stronger and more exclusionary. In response to this strong-state effect, pro-immigrant activists in this study strategized how to weaken the state while also building up society's capacity to resist the state's power. By contrast, restrictionist activists attributed the problem of undocumented immigration to the state's weakness as a policing body. The specter of 'Mexicanization' was the particular way in which restrictionists conveyed their anxieties about a state that had lost physical control over its territory and its resources. In response to this weak-state effect, restrictionist tactics tried to extend the state's reach while also building up the ability to aid the state. In sum, grassroots immigration politics unfolded in a highly patterned way, as a struggle to change the scope and power of the state.This study addresses two limitations in previous research. First, sociological studies often intuit that there is a relationship between the two competing sides of immigration politics, but few works have empirically examined both sides together and their relationships to each other. Second, previous research has struggled with theoretically bridging on-the-ground micro processes of mobilization with macro-level structures. In addressing these limitations with a relational political ethnography of the field, this dissertation makes three theoretical contributions. First, this dissertation empirically illustrates that the state, as an effect of ideology, is not always successful. In fact, the very place that scholars have predicted the state effect to be the strongest—a nation's border—is exactly where this effect is only sometimes experienced. Second, to theorize this variation in perceptions of state power, I rely on the concepts of the strong-state effect and the weak-state effect. In doing so, I show how disparate perceptions of the state's power can be basis of contentious politics. Third, the emphasis on activists' assessments of the state contributes to our understanding of social movements' tactical repertoires. This study illustrates how a movement's beliefs about the state inform its strategies. Finally, the state-effect lens is a tool that helps us see how tactics are oppositional and referential across political lines. With this lens, I argue, we can see the 'field' of social relations that constitute immigration politics.
Objectives: The objectives of this study were to integrate multiple streams of research on judicial dissensus to better understand the causes of state court of last resort justices' decisions to dissent. The study particularly focused on the relationship between dissent and gender and race (and their intersection) at the individual and panel level. Methods: We employed probit regression with clustered standard errors of the population of state court of last resort cases from 1995 to 1998. Results: Women and minorities were more likely to dissent in cases involving issues that are particularly salient to those particular groups. We also find evidence of the intersectionality of race and gender: while white women and African-American males were less likely to dissent than white males, African-American women were the most likely to cast dissenting votes. Conclusions: Our results suggest that, in addition to small-group (panel) and institutional characteristics, individual attributes such as race and gender (and their intersection) matter in the decision to dissent. Adapted from the source document.
ObjectivesThe objectives of this study were to integrate multiple streams of research on judicial dissensus to better understand the causes of state court of last resort justices' decisions to dissent. The study particularly focused on the relationship between dissent and gender and race (and their intersection) at the individual and panel level.MethodsWe employed probit regression with clustered standard errors of the population of state court of last resort cases from 1995 to 1998.ResultsWomen and minorities were more likely to dissent in cases involving issues that are particularly salient to those particular groups. We also find evidence of the intersectionality of race and gender: while white women and African‐American males were less likely to dissent than white males, African‐American women were the most likely to cast dissenting votes.ConclusionsOur results suggest that, in addition to small‐group (panel) and institutional characteristics, individual attributes such as race and gender (and their intersection) matter in the decision to dissent.
