The energy issue is an essential factor of economic development. Moreover, since the World War II, it is one of the bases of European Union political genesis. Nowadays, the debate about the cooperation process between European Union and Mediterranean countries is partly focused on the energy issue. On the one hand, European energy dependency is raising, on the other hand, most of the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean countries are economically dependent on their hydrocarbon exports. In this context, a new European energy policy emerged in the 90's structured by three main principles: - energy dependency requires to diversify the geographic origins of the energy imports; - renewable energies have to be developed due to the environmental issue and to the increasing prices of fossil fuels; - create an European energy market, which could become an Euro-Mediterranean one. These elements lead to the emergence of a new cooperation between Europe and the other Mediterranean countries. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership project launched in 2007 could be a political framework able to facilitate this new form of governance. Energy issue is a pertinent thematic to analyse territorial coherence and stakes of sustainable development in the Euro-Mediterranean region. In the first part, we will demonstrate the historical role of energy issue in European Union emergence. In the second part, we will present European initiatives in energy area which tend to include the other Mediterranean countries. Finally, we will discuss about energy stakes in the region and territorial differences between northern and southern coasts
Ce rapport vise à répondre à deux questions principales : (1) Quelles avantages les préférences commerciales apportent aux pays en développement ; et (2) quelles sont les implications de l'érosion de ces prèfèrenes du fait de la libéralisation commerciale multilatérale ? Les analyses sont réalisées pour les pays de la Quad (Canada, l'Union européenne, le Japon et les Etats-Unis) parce qu'ils ont les tarifs les plus élevés sur les produits agricoles. Les résultats de cette étude suggèrent que bien que les marges préférentielles soient érodées avec la libéralisation multilatérale, le problème concerne surtout seulement certains secteurs spécifiques pour certains pays.
"The Nordic Regions and the European Union is an authoritative book on the influences of European integration on the regional level in the Nordic countries. This book provides both factual insight into the Nordic regions and the Europeanization of the four Nordic countries, offering theoretical contributions to the theory of regionalism in a European context built on systematic comparison."--Provided by publisher.
The EU is currently facing some fundamental challenges: the euro and refugee crises are still unresolved, the solidarity between Member States is eroding, and nationalist forces are growing as support for European integration is diminishing. The union appears too heterogeneous, and the economic and political interests of the 28 Member States too diverse, to be able to address these challenges as a whole. Does the concept of differentiated integration offer a possible solution? Can such differentiation offer the European integration project a better and more stable future? Which measures of diversity and flexibility can the "ever closer Union among the peoples of Europe" endure? Or will such differentiation ultimately damage the joint European project? This collection of leading European lawyers tackles these questions and suggests how they might be addressed. --
This paper discusses the creation of a European Banking Union. First, we discuss questions of design. We highlight seven fundamental choices that decision makers will need to make: Which EU countries should participate in the banking union? To which categories of banks should it apply? Which institution should be tasked with supervision? Which one should deal with resolution? How centralised should the deposit insurance system be? What kind of fiscal backing would be required? What governance framework and political institutions would be needed?
"Do the United States and France, both post-industrial democracies, differ in their views and laws concerning discrimination? Marie Mercat-Bruns, a Franco-American scholar, examines the differences in how the two countries approach discrimination. Bringing together prominent legal scholars--including Robert Post, Linda Krieger, Martha Minow, Reva Siegel, Susan Sturm, Richard Ford, and others--Mercat-Bruns demonstrates how the two nations have adopted divergent strategies. The United States continues, with mixed success at "colorblind" policies, to deal with issues of diversity in university enrollment, class action sex-discrimination lawsuits, and rampant police violence against African American men and women. In France, the country has banned the full-face veil while making efforts to present itself as a secular republic. Young men and women whose parents and grandparents came from sub-Sahara and North Africa are stuck coping with a society that fails to take into account the barriers to employment and education they face. Discrimination at Work provides an incisive comparative analysis of how the nature of discrimination in both countries has changed, now often hidden, or steeped in deep unconscious bias. While it is rare for employers in both countries to openly discriminate, deep systemic discrimination exists, rooted in structural and environmental causes and the ways each state has dealt with difference in general. Invigorating and incisive, the book examines hot-button issues of sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and equality for LGBT individuals, delivering comparisons meant to further social equality and fundamental human rights across borders"--Provided by publisher
"Offering a cutting edge study of the European Union's (EU) promotion of democratic governance in neighbouring countries, this new book makes an original contribution to the study of democracy promotion and of EU external relations by presenting a new governance model of democracy promotion.Through robust analysis of the shortcomings of traditional 'leverage' and 'linkage' models of external democracy promotion in the EU's Eastern and Southern neighbourhood, it presents a novel 'governance model' that fosters transparency, accountability, and participation standards through functional cooperation between policy officials from the EU and neighbouring states. In particular, it examines the impact of democratic governance promotion in detailed case studies of EU sectoral cooperation with Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine in the three policy fields of competition, environment, and migration. "--
Defence date: 12 March 2010 ; Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Christian Lequesne, CERI-Sciences-Po Prof. Andrew Jordan, University of East Anglia Prof. Pascal Vennesson, EUI ; The mechanisms that enable the joint participation of the European Community (EC) and its twenty seven sovereign member states in multilateral bargains are much more complex than what the three pillar architecture suggests. Nevertheless, the influence of inter-branch negotiations on the EC/EU's international actorness4 still remains a gray area between law and political science. An under-explored aspect regards the distribution of competences – defined as authority to undertake negotiations with third states and international organizations – within the Community institutional framework. Such competences, or powers, may be exclusive to member states (MSs), exclusive to the EC represented by the Commission, or shared by both. The last situation, known as mixed participation (or mixity) is the key variable of this study. This thesis seeks to shed light on EU actorness under mixity conditions by investigating how and to what extent the distribution of competences between the European Commission and the Council of Ministers influences the performance of the EC in the negotiation of certain types of global environmental agreements. The methodology consists of comparative analysis of three empirical cases related to the exploitation of living marine resources (fisheries). A two-level approach grounded in rational choice institutionalism is adopted, dividing the study in two main parts: the first focuses on EU level bargains (L1) in order to explain the different kinds of contracts (mandate) established between the Council and the Commission through a principal-agent relationship. The independent variables taken into account are Council"s preferences, Commission's preferences, and the extent of the knowledge about ecological processes impacted by the forthcoming policy decisions stemming from the agreements. This last variable was called "environmental scientific uncertainty" (ESU), as this term is already used by environmental economists. The second part of the thesis addresses the negotiation of global agreements to which the EC was part, either exclusively or together with MSs. As there is a shift in the level of analysis the mandate – the dependent variable at L1 – becomes an independent variable at L2. The goal is now to explain: a) the effects of mixity as opposed to EC exclusive competence on the EU's actorness. The underlying argument is that the implications of mixity go beyond European integration; in fact they are critical to the strengthening of EU agency vis-à-vis other players. They appear as a valuable institutional mechanism in domains marked by scarcity of reliable scientific data about ecological processes (as in ESU). The three cases are studied in both L1 and L2 and relate to fisheries policies: a) the Agreement to Promote Compliance by Fishing Vessels on the High Seas (1995), under the FAO framework; b) the Agreement on Straddling and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks (1995), Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) framework and c) The Jakarta Mandate, an agreement on Biodiversity of Marine and Coastal Areas (1995), under the Convention on Biological Diversity framework. Data stem mainly from Law databases and official journals. Results shall shed light on the external impact of institutional arrangements within the Community, and their relevance to the study of the EU's international relations.
Defence date: 7 June 2010 ; Awarded the François Mény Prize for the Best Comparative Study of Political Institutions, 2011 ; Examining Board: David Farrell (UCD), Mark Franklin (EUI), Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS) (Supervisor), Simon Hix (LSE) ; Awarded the European Union Studies Association (EUSA) Prize for Best Dissertation in EU studies: the thesis marks a substantial contribution not only to the literature on parliaments in general and the European Parliament in particular, but also to the understanding of the democratic deficit in Europe and how it might be tackled. ; First made available online: 27 August 2021 ; The European Parliament (EP) now acts as an equal co-legislator with the Council of Ministers in adopting many policies that affect 500 million European citizens on a daily basis. However, the parliamentary legislative organisation is under-researched despite its profound consequences for EU policies and policy-making. Addressing this gap, this thesis studies the internal setup and legislative impact of the EP committees. Drawing on congressional literature, I confront distributive, informational and partisan theoretical approaches to answer the research questions of this project, namely whether and why the EP committees and their legislative output are dominated by preference-outlying legislators with special interests, experts serving the informational needs of the plenary, or loyal members of the working majority party group (coalition). Statistical analyses of committee assignments, allocation of legislative tasks, and adoption of committee reports in plenary are conducted using data on the 6th European Parliament (2004-2009). They are complemented with evidence from semi-structured interviews. The results show that legislators' special interests and expertise account for the formally regulated assignment to committees depending on the predominant character of their legislative output (distributive or regulatory). In contrast, party group affiliation and loyalty shape the allocation of important legislative tasks in committees, owing to the informal allocation process. Furthermore, committee reports are more successful on the floor if drafted by rapporteurs from the working majority party group - perhaps a natural consequence of the EP open amendment rule. Thus, the parliamentary legislative output is ultimately controlled by the working majority party group and not committees. The congressional rationales fail to account for committees' legislative influence when an informal early agreement is reached with the Council of Ministers. This occurs increasingly often, rendering decision-making in committees largely obsolete. The observed regularities are used to advance the literature on legislative organisation by identifying conditions under which each of the main congressional rationales can explain committee setup and influence, namely: 1) the policy areas a committee covers; 2) the parliamentary rules regulating committee-party and committee-plenary relationships; and 3) the balance of power and mode of negotiation between the legislative chambers. More substantively, the EP committees are not conducive for pursuing particularistic policies. Instead, they promote left-right party politics. This has important implications for EU legislative politics, interest representation, legitimacy, and more generally the EU democratic deficit.
Le dialogue transatlantique : un renouveau? / Vincent Correia -- L'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amerique dans l'organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) : duel ou duo? / Olivier Blin -- L'euro, concurrent du dollar / Pascal Kauffmann -- Le traité sur le commerce des armes : vers une harmonisation transatlantique du droit des exportations d'armement? / Anne Millet-Devalle -- Les financements européens dans la stratégie "Europe 2020" / Florence Aubry-Caillaud -- Etude de la jurisprudence européenne sur l'Outre-Mer / Lebon Lydia -- Rester ou ne pas rester dans l'Union européenne sur le continent américain : la collectivité Outre-Mer de Saint-Martin / Loïc Grard -- SWIFT et la coopération antiterroriste / Olivier Delas -- De láccord PNR a PRISM, bilan et perspectives sur les malentendus transatlantiques lutte anti-terroriste versus protection des données personnelles / Sylvie Peyrou -- Cyberdéfense ou cybersécurité / Anne Cammilleri -- Les mirages de l'action humanitaire de l'Union europénne et des Etats-Unis en Haiti / Mulry Mondelice -- La coordination des ordres juridiques par les droits fondamentaux et le droit international privé : le mariage homosexuel en Europe et en Amérique / Gaëtan Escudey et Antoire Mars -- La clause democratique et les droits de l'homme dans la relation de l'Union Européenne et l' Amérique / Carolina Mora Burbano
Has EMU made Germany worse-off? : monetary aggregates, fiscal and wage policy in the new regime / Benedicta Marzinotto -- Plus ça change-- ? : the European social model between "economic governance" and "social Europe" from the Maastricht Treaty to the European Constitution / H. Tolga Bolukbasi -- States and the exercise of power in the new European Union / Paul Schure and Amy Verdun -- Rotation, representation or rather a ragged reform? : on the political economy of ECB restructuring / Heiko Fritz -- Progressing towards legitimacy : financial services sector policymaking in the EU after Lamfalussy / Heather McKeen-Edwards and Ian Roberge -- Making sense of fiscal rules in EMU / Valeria De Bonis and Pompeo Della Posta -- The art and craft of budgeting : fiscal policy in the Eurozone / Frans K.M. van Nispen -- Direct taxation, the ECJ and implications for member state budgets / Martha O'Brien
