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Ever since I was a graduate student at the University of Chicago in October 1962, I have been interested in challenges at the global scale that could affect the future of humanity. The Cuban Missile Crisis brought home to me how vulnerable we are. Indeed it brought home that we could be dead from causes thousands of miles away with a warning of a maximum of thirty minutes. It was obvious the world was becoming smaller. As I looked out the window from my apartment in Chicago, I could see ch- dren of school age at play in the alley - despite it being a weekday. They weren't in school. One rarely saw adult men with them - only women. What con- quences would that bring? Not far away was the headquarters of a strange group calling themselves the Black Moslems. There was a palpable anger that radiated from there. Where would this lead? Was there not a breaking point in how much difference in wealth and general well-being could be tolerated? I became increasingly interested in international politics, in particular about how we governed ourselves through international institutions and international law. Hans Morgenthau emphasized to us the importance of national interests. It became clear to me that governments needed interests as an incentive to act, c- tainly if there were important consequences in acting. Values were important but were not a sufficient condition.

The conclusion and adoption of the Statute of a permanent International Criminal Court2("Statute") in Rome in July 19983represent a turning point in the enforcement of legal norms regulating armed conflict. Th e Rom e Conference was the latest, and most important, chapter in a long saga concerning the broader issue of the conclusion and adoption of a Draft Code of Crimes against the Peace and Security of Mankind, an important part of which was the establishment of an international criminal court to try such crimes.4The International Law Commission (ILC), the UN organ responsible for the preparation of the Code,5decided to separate the two objectives and to proceed with the drafting of a statute for an international criminal court that was distinct from the Draft Code of Crimes: the ILC envisaged a court that would exercise jurisdiction in respect of crimes of international concern which existed as such in various treaties already in force.6This approach is reflected in the provisions of the Statute adopted at Rom e concerning the jurisdiction of the Court, as explained below.7

DOI: 10.5564/mjia.v0i13.8Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.13 2006 pp.60-67

The paper explores Thomas Christiano's conception of international legitimacy. It argues that his account fails to fully appreciate the instrumental constraints that international legitimacy imposes on national democracies. His model of Fair Voluntary Association articulates the transmission of political legitimacy through a double aggregation of political consent. First, it "pools" its authority from the foundational cosmopolitan claims of individuals involved in a deeply interdependent social world; it then translates this source of legitimacy to international organizations through state consent. However, this model fails to enforce compliance with the cosmopolitan standards and commitments regarding vulnerable populations. The paper argues (i) that the global standards of legitimacy operate as objective criteria of instrumental legitimacy for the reflective evaluation of democratic states, (ii) that the demand of consistent compliance with these cosmopolitan goals imposes external constraints on the institutions of domestic democratic deliberation; and finally, (iii) that if democratic states fail to implement reforms in this direction, then their citizens have the legitimate prerogative to disaggregate their cosmopolitan contribution and direct it to the global institutions that officially realize these goals. ...

The main object of the research is to identify the features of the formative stage of the external vector of Australian environmental policy, which dates back to the 1970s. Methodology of the research is based on an analysis of documents of the Australian Parliament, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Ministry of Water, Agriculture and Environment. It is found that by the early 1970s, Australia had adopted the first international agreements that formed the basis for the further development of its multilateral environmental cooperation. During this period, various mechanisms and models of multilateral cooperation were developed. The role of United Nations Conference on the Environment held in Stockholm in 1972 in the development of a new level of international environmental cooperation is revealed. It is proven that a number of environmental problems has been has exacerbated in Australia. This led to the country's need for a broad exchange of information with other countries of the world in order to overcome them and to join forces more closely to combat them. By this time in Australia, at both the federal and state levels, government agencies responsible for implementing environmental policies were established. This facilitated the coordination of the internal and external vector of environmental activities. It is concluded that after this conference, in the 1970s, the period of formation of the international vector of Australian environmental policy began. This is justified by the fact that it was based on new principles and background and included new directions. Its peculiarity is demonstrated. It is emphasized on the important role played by the Australian Parliament in the implementation of international agreements.

Cover -- CONTENTS -- CONTEXT -- RECENT DEVELOPMENTS AND OUTLOOK -- THE ROLE OF THE FLEXIBLE CREDIT LINE -- A. Access Considerations -- B. Adverse Scenario -- C. Exit Strategy -- ASSESSMENT OF QUALIFICATION -- IMPACT ON FUND FINANCES, RISKS, AND SAFEGUARDS -- STAFF APPRAISAL -- BOXES -- 1. The Calculation of the External Economic Stress Index -- 2. Illustrative Adverse Scenario -- FIGURES -- 1. Recent Economic Developments -- 2. Recent Financial Developments -- 3. Qualification Criteria -- 4. External Debt Sustainability: Bound Tests -- 5. Reserve Coverage in an International Perspective, 2015

International audience ; A European scale for international justice ? What would a European scale for international (criminal) justice be? The relevance of this question is far from obvious, since anglo-saxon research ignores it as much as research on the European Union overestimates it. According to the latter, this scale would take on significance through a policy of conditionality that leads to a progress toward Europe and its ideals, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) being a stepping stone in this process. However this conception covers up the divisions, conflicts and paradoxes that permeate the reception of this justice and internal tensions. The very idea of a European scale of justice is analyzed through the reception of the ICTY in Bosnia-Herzegovina. ; Que serait une échelle européenne de la justice (pénale) internationale ? Sa pertinence ne va pas de soi, les recherches anglo-saxonnes l'ignorant aussi exagérément que celles sur l'Union européenne la surestiment. Selon ce second point de vue, cette échelle vaudrait principalement par une politique de conditionnalité permettant un progrès vers l'Europe et ses idéaux dont le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) serait le marchepied. Cette représentation cache toutefois les divisions, les conflits et les paradoxes qui traversent la réception de cette justice et ses tensions internes : l'idée même de cette échelle européenne est ici analysée à partir de la réception du TPIY en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

International audience ; A European scale for international justice ? What would a European scale for international (criminal) justice be? The relevance of this question is far from obvious, since anglo-saxon research ignores it as much as research on the European Union overestimates it. According to the latter, this scale would take on significance through a policy of conditionality that leads to a progress toward Europe and its ideals, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) being a stepping stone in this process. However this conception covers up the divisions, conflicts and paradoxes that permeate the reception of this justice and internal tensions. The very idea of a European scale of justice is analyzed through the reception of the ICTY in Bosnia-Herzegovina. ; Que serait une échelle européenne de la justice (pénale) internationale ? Sa pertinence ne va pas de soi, les recherches anglo-saxonnes l'ignorant aussi exagérément que celles sur l'Union européenne la surestiment. Selon ce second point de vue, cette échelle vaudrait principalement par une politique de conditionnalité permettant un progrès vers l'Europe et ses idéaux dont le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) serait le marchepied. Cette représentation cache toutefois les divisions, les conflits et les paradoxes qui traversent la réception de cette justice et ses tensions internes : l'idée même de cette échelle européenne est ici analysée à partir de la réception du TPIY en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

International audience ; A European scale for international justice ? What would a European scale for international (criminal) justice be? The relevance of this question is far from obvious, since anglo-saxon research ignores it as much as research on the European Union overestimates it. According to the latter, this scale would take on significance through a policy of conditionality that leads to a progress toward Europe and its ideals, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) being a stepping stone in this process. However this conception covers up the divisions, conflicts and paradoxes that permeate the reception of this justice and internal tensions. The very idea of a European scale of justice is analyzed through the reception of the ICTY in Bosnia-Herzegovina. ; Que serait une échelle européenne de la justice (pénale) internationale ? Sa pertinence ne va pas de soi, les recherches anglo-saxonnes l'ignorant aussi exagérément que celles sur l'Union européenne la surestiment. Selon ce second point de vue, cette échelle vaudrait principalement par une politique de conditionnalité permettant un progrès vers l'Europe et ses idéaux dont le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) serait le marchepied. Cette représentation cache toutefois les divisions, les conflits et les paradoxes qui traversent la réception de cette justice et ses tensions internes : l'idée même de cette échelle européenne est ici analysée à partir de la réception du TPIY en Bosnie-Herzégovine.