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While social networks are now a part of everyday life for the vast majority of people using computers, smartphones, and tablets, privacy is but an afterthought. Google+ has in excess of 100 million users a month while Facebook has topped 1 billion. Other more specialized networks such as Linked-in add to the fray. But from a privacy perspective the biggest concern for users should be the efforts to integrate the networking apps into all other forms of online activity as well as the constant effort to link additional data to network information, in addition to the network owners' efforts to market that information to third party vendors. Further, Facebook and other networking sites have already begun to build search capabilities and other facilities into their systems that extend the information they collect from users even further. What protections do users really have?

The question of assimilation networks for migrants is usually applied to international migration. In this study, however, I use the population registers for a neighborhood in early modern Kyoto to look for possible network connections in domestic migration. I found a yearly turnover of fourteen households moving in and out of the neighborhood. Household and group migration was more important than individual migration and there is some sign of primary–secondary migration flows. Service migration did not play a major role in the migration patterns of this neighborhood, but the textile industry was probably an important attraction. Evidence of networks appears in the use of shop names that reflect a connection with a province or some specific location. These shop names usually reflected the place of origin of the household and may have been an effective method of gaining network connections and the guarantors necessary for finding housing and employment.

AbstractRejoining other authors' arguments in favor of less linear and more process-based studies of change in purpose-oriented networks (PONs), we propose conceiving of PONs not as social entities or forms, but as processes constantly in flux. From this perspective, PONs comprise more or less interconnected processes constantly at play, albeit with more or less intensity, depending on the reflexive management and actions of their participants. We contend that a process view sheds light on three major themes categorizing extant research on network development: network development as the product of engineered, planned managerial actions; network evolution as the product of unintended, systemic changes both within and outside of PONs; and the management of network tensions as the central object of managerial attention.

This paper presents an argument that it is possible for an organisation to manage networks, but understanding this involves consideration of what is meant by "managing". Based on prior research and data from a major longitudinal action research study in the health sector, the paper describes six network management roles: network structuring agent; co‐ordinator; advisor; information broker; relationship broker; innovation sponsor. The necessary "assets" for effective performance of these roles are identified, in particular those relating to team competence. The findings enrich and significantly develop previous work on network management roles and activities, and their influencing factors. It is concluded that, given the specific nature of the networks studied, further research is required to evaluate the generalisability of the findings, though initial indications are promising.

This book is a collection of essays on social networks, social capital, and kinship in historical and contemporary rural societies. They span a wide range of European countries and historical situations, from early modern Flanders and Italy to present-day Austria and Armenia. All the essays describe in detail how people on the countryside connected with one another in formal or informal relations. In doing so, the authors use and critically discuss methods of historical interpretation, social network analysis, and econometrics. The book analyses these topics in three steps. First, the authors address whether social relations can be of economic use. Secondly, they examine the institutional conditions for such a conversion of social into economic capital, reconstructing the often unexpected ways in which the economic and social spheres were connected both in "pre-modern" and in "modern" settings. Thirdly, they show how political institutions were constructed out of social networks

AbstractThis lecture discusses technological revolutions and techno-economic paradigms, but with an emphasis on the digital revolution and the digitalization of the economic and society. It draws its inspiration from works of Joseph Schumpeter, Christopher Freeman, and Carlota Perez on long waves of technological development and places the story within the context of global innovation networks. The lecture contends that the digital revolution not only transformed the world we live in but also created new ways to organize networks within it. We are now in second half of the digital (fifth technological) revolution, when the digitalization of the global networked economy prevails, and not at the beginning of Industrie 4.0. On the contrary, this is the period when economic growth drives the use of innovative digital technologies, including ubiquitous computing, robotics, and artificial intelligence, toward a truly digitalized network society.

In the creation of trade policy, business actors have the most influence in setting policy. This article identifies and explains variations in how economic interest groups use policy networks to affect trade policymaking. This article uses formal social network analysis (SNA) to explore the patterns of articulation or a policy network between the government and business at the national level within regional trade agreements. The empirical discussion herein focuses on Brazil and the setting of exceptions list to Mercosur's common external tariff. It specifically concentrates on the relations between the Brazilian executive branch and ten economic subsectors. The article finds that the patterns of articulation of these policy networks matter and that sectors with stronger ties to key government decision-makers have a structural advantage in influencing trade policy and obtaining and/or maintaining their desired, privileged trade policies, compared with sectors that are connected to government actors with weak decision-making power, but might have numerous and diversified connections. Therefore, sectors that have a strong pluralist–clientelist policy structure with connections to government actors with decision-making power have greater potential for achieving their target policies compared with more corporatist policy networks.

International audience ; In the last decade, South American countries went through robust economic growth based on commodities exports, which implies a growing use of energy from various sources. They also had to face two main challenges: social and spatial inequality, as well as huge distance and low density. The first challenge means that governments must devise public policies in order to give specific energy solutions to vulnerable social groups. The second entails specific problems for land planning and the development of infrastructures. The relations between countries, within the political framework of UNASUR, have put energy in pivotal role to sustain economic growth and build regional integration. This paper shows that these programmes have obtained some results to provide cheap energy to large scale projects, but fail to give adequate answer to another set of social and geopolitical issues. ; Dans la dernière décennie, les pays d'Amérique du Sud ont connu une croissance économique robuste fondée sur l'exportation de matières premières, ce qui implique une consommation croissante d'énergie provenant de différentes sources. Les États ont dû aussi faire face à deux défis : les inégalités sociales et territoriales ainsi que les grandes distances et les faibles densités de population. Le premier défi implique que les États doivent mettre en place des politiques publiques pour apporter des réponses spécifiques aux groupes sociaux vulnérables. Le second entraîne des problèmes particuliers d'aménagement du territoire et de construction d'infrastructures. Les relations entre États, dans le cadre politique de l'UNASUR, font jouer un rôle central à l'énergie pour soutenir la croissance et réaliser l'intégration régionale. Cet article montre que, si ces programmes ont apporté des solutions pour fournir de l'énergie bon marché à des grands programmes productifs, ils n'ont pas donné de solutions adéquates à une autre série de problèmes sociaux et géopolitiques.

International audience ; In the last decade, South American countries went through robust economic growth based on commodities exports, which implies a growing use of energy from various sources. They also had to face two main challenges: social and spatial inequality, as well as huge distance and low density. The first challenge means that governments must devise public policies in order to give specific energy solutions to vulnerable social groups. The second entails specific problems for land planning and the development of infrastructures. The relations between countries, within the political framework of UNASUR, have put energy in pivotal role to sustain economic growth and build regional integration. This paper shows that these programmes have obtained some results to provide cheap energy to large scale projects, but fail to give adequate answer to another set of social and geopolitical issues. ; Dans la dernière décennie, les pays d'Amérique du Sud ont connu une croissance économique robuste fondée sur l'exportation de matières premières, ce qui implique une consommation croissante d'énergie provenant de différentes sources. Les États ont dû aussi faire face à deux défis : les inégalités sociales et territoriales ainsi que les grandes distances et les faibles densités de population. Le premier défi implique que les États doivent mettre en place des politiques publiques pour apporter des réponses spécifiques aux groupes sociaux vulnérables. Le second entraîne des problèmes particuliers d'aménagement du territoire et de construction d'infrastructures. Les relations entre États, dans le cadre politique de l'UNASUR, font jouer un rôle central à l'énergie pour soutenir la croissance et réaliser l'intégration régionale. Cet article montre que, si ces programmes ont apporté des solutions pour fournir de l'énergie bon marché à des grands programmes productifs, ils n'ont pas donné de solutions adéquates à une autre série de problèmes sociaux et géopolitiques.