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"Those who saw Donald Trump as a novel threat looming over American democracy and now think the danger has passed may not have been paying much attention to the political developments of the past several decades. Trump was merely the most recent-and will surely not be the last-in a long line of presidents who expanded the powers of the office and did not hesitate to act unilaterally when so doing served their purposes. Though presidents are elected more or less democratically, the presidency is not and was never intended to be a democratic institution. The framers thought that America would be governed by its representative assembly, the Congress of the United States. Presidential power, like a dangerous pharmaceutical, might have been labeled, "to be used only when needed." Today, Congress sporadically engages in law making but the president actually governs. Congress has become more an inquisitorial than a legislative body. Presidents rule through edicts while their opponents in the Congress counter with coups. The courts sputter and fume but generally back the president. This is the new separation of powers-the president exercises power and the other branches are separated from it. Where will this end? Regardless of who occupies the Oval Office, the imperial presidency inexorably is bringing down the curtain on American representative democracy"--

"Now in its 4th edition, Revolutionary America explains the crucial events in the history of the United States between 1763 and 1815, when settlers in North America rebelled against British rule, won their independence in a long and bloody struggle, and created an enduring republic. Centering the narrative on the politics of the early republic, Revolutionary America presents a concise history of the War of Independence and lays a distinctive foundation for students and scholars of the early American republic. Francis D. Cogliano pays particular attention to the experiences of those who were excluded from the immediate benefits and rights secured by the creation of the American republic including women, Native Americans and Black Americans. This fourth edition contains fully revised chapters to incorporate the insights of the latest scholarship. It also includes: A new introduction that engages the 1619 vs. 1776 debate; An updated and revised bibliography to reflect the most recent literature; Consideration of the degree to which the Revolution transformed American society; Further discussion on the role of religion in the rise of the Revolution and the separation of church and state when discussing the constitution. This book is essential reading for undergraduate classes in American History and the history of the Revolutionary War"--

This book surveys the political history and pre-history of the 'Asian values' debate. Barr explores the histories and conceptual essences of the world religions involved in or affected by the debate.

Gulf stability is coming to play a larger role in the foreign policy calculus of many states, but the evolving role of Asian powers is largely under-represented in the International Relations literature. This volume addresses this gap with a set of empirically rich, theory driven case studies written by academics from or based in the countries in question. The underlying assumption is not that Asian powers have already become important security actors in the Gulf, but rather that they perceive the Gulf as a region of increasing strategic relevance. How will leaders in these countries adjust to an evolving regional framework? Will there be coordinated efforts to establish an Asian-centered approach to Gulf stability, or will Asian rivalries make the region a theater of competition? Will US–China tensions force alignment choices among Asian powers? Will Asian states balance, bandwagon, hedge, or adopt some other approach to their Gulf relationships? These questions become even more important as the western boundaries of Asia increasingly come to incorporate the Middle East. The book will appeal to scholars and students in the fields of International Relations, Security Studies, and International Political Economy, as well as area specialists on the Gulf and those working on foreign policy issues on each of the Asian countries included. Professionals in government and non-government agencies will also find it very useful.

This readable history fills a gap in the field by providing an overview of parliamentary history in the period as well as a synthesis of current research on the subject. In the process, the book transcends partisan positions and suggests an organic approach that integrates parliamentary history into the wider processes of politics and government

In 1995, then Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim introduced 'Masyarakat Madani' as his proposed economic framework for Malaysia. The term was heavily debated among scholars and politicians across all parties and ideologies. It was often argued that Madani was an effort to limit the rise of political Islam.Following Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal from government in 1998, Madani came to be more narrowly redefined as 'civil society' However, Anwar's supporters, known as the 'Anwarinas', strove to keep the spirit of Madani alive and continued to promote its ideals of social justice, democratic values and inclusivity. They were encouraged further by the fall of Barisan Nasional from federal power in the fourteenth General Election in 2018.After Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's tenth Prime Minister in 2022, he reintroduced Madani as a framework for the country, to be implemented in various sectors. Anwar Ibrahim likely received help from scholars such as Ziauddin Sardar, as reflected in his election manifesto, Script for a Better Malaysia. This time around, the core component of Madani is Maqasid Al-Shariah, or the higher objectives of sharia.In that sense, Madani is now arguably more an expression of what may be called post-Islamism. For it to succeed, however, it will have to counteract the growing power of the conservatives and Islamists. This may be an uphill battle, given that a key component party of the unity government - UMNO - is facing several allegations of corruption.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- 1 Objectives, Concepts, and Overview -- 2 Bangladesh Politics: A Brief History -- 3 Salient Features of Bangladesh Politics -- 4 Approaches to Improving Bangladesh Politics -- 5 Proportional Election as a Way to Stabilize Democracy in Bangladesh -- 6 Reduction of the Government Term for Stable Democracy -- 7 Governance and Civil Service in Bangladesh -- 8 Salary Rationalization as Key to Effective Civil Administration -- 9 Prospects of Reforms -- Notes

Given Myanmar's strategic location and the wider great power competition in Southeast Asia, how the country positions itself vis-a-vis the major powers in the reform era currently underway will have considerable bearing for the international politics of Southeast Asia. Historically, Myanmar's leaders have preferred an independent foreign policy that has also been couched in terms of neutralism and non-alignment. Following considerable tension between the stated principle of non-alignment and the practice of Myanmar's foreign policy under the SLORC/SPDC regime given U.S. pressure on Naypyitaw especially in the mid-2000s, Myanmar's threat perceptions vis-a-vis Washington have waned with the shift to the pragmatic, principled and calibrated engagement as favoured by President Obama. The Myanmar government under Thein Sein pursued a non-aligned foreign policy both in declaratory and practical terms.

During the sixteenth century hundreds of treatises, position papers and memoranda were composed on the political state of Ireland and how best to 'reform', 'conquer' or otherwise incorporate that island into the wider Tudor kingdom. These 'reform' treatises attempted to identify and analyse the prevailing political, social, cultural and economic problems found in the Irish polity before positing how government policy could be altered to ameliorate these same problems. Written by a broad array of New English, Old English and Gaelic Irish authors, often serving within Irish officialdom, the military, or the Church of Ireland, these papers were generally circulated amongst senior ministers and political figures throughout the Tudor dominions. As such they were written with the express purpose of influencing the direction of government policy for Ireland. Collectively these documents are one of the most significant body of sources, not just for the study of government activity in the second Tudor kingdom, but indeed for the broader history of sixteenth century Ireland. This thesis offers the first systematic study of these texts. It does so by exploring the content of the hundreds of such works and the 'reform' treatise as a type of text, while the interrelationship of these documents with government policy in Tudor Ireland, and their effect thereon, is also explored. In so doing it charts the developments from origin to implementation of the principal strategies employed by Tudor Englishmen to enforce English control over the whole of Ireland. Finally, it clearly demonstrates that the 'reform' treatises were both central to government activity in sixteenth century Ireland and to the historical developments which occurred in that time and place.