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AbstractThe legal status of the Northwest Passage (NWP) has been the subject of much debate in academic, government, and media circles. To date, much of this discussion has centred on the legal regime governing maritime navigation. However, the question of whether the NWP is subject to guaranteed freedoms or Canada's unqualified sovereign control also involves the right of overflight. This article investigates the circumstances that led to the inclusion of the freedom of overflight in Part III of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It then highlights some of the legal standards that would govern air navigation if the NWP were to be considered an international strait.

Les Récentes Déclarations du ministre de l'Education du Québec, M. Paul Gérin-Lajoie, à l'effet que le Québec envisage la possibilité de participer aux travaux de certaines institutions spécialisées, méritent une attention toute particulière. D'abord, puisqu'il s'agit là d'une question d'une portée politique et juridique considérable tant à l'échelle canadienne qu'au niveau international, on ne peut décidément pas la négliger ou la passer sous silence. En second lieu, cette question donne un sens nouveau aux discussions en cours au Canada depuis 1937 sur la signature et la mise en œuvre des traités internationaux et oblige ainsi les principaux participants à examiner un aspect jusqu'ici inédit de ce long et coutumier débat.

The charter of the International Trade Organization, as drafted at Geneva in the spring of 1947, is a pact expressing the rules of behavior which nations undertake to observe in their economic relations with one; another. Regardless of the subsequent history of this draft, it merits ^ examination as an illustration of the practical difficulties to be surmounted I by those who seek to implement by international agreement even so obj vious a goal as economic cooperation. Not only must idealism and theory I come to grips with the fact that every transaction in international trade ; affects someone's pocketbook, but methods and techniques must be devised to create a semblance of uniformity in a world of vastly different economic practices. Since the Geneva draft seeks to regularize international trade conduct after fifteen years of both autarchic control and war, it bears witness to the fundamentally long-range character of the problem.

Capital controls and exchange restrictions are used to restrict international capital flows during economic crises. This paper looks at the legal implications of these restrictions and explores the current international regulatory framework applicable to international capital movements and current payments. It shows how international capital flows suffer from the lack of a comprehensive and coherent regulatory framework that would harmonize the patchwork of multilateral, regional, and bilateral treaties that currently regulate this issue. These treaties include the Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund (IMF Articles), the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), free-trade agreements, the European Union treaty, bilateral investment treaties, and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Code of Liberalization of Capital Movements (OECD Code of Capital Movement). Each of these instruments regulate differently capital movements with little coordination with other areas of law. This situation sometimes leads to regulatory overlaps and conflict between different sources of law. Given the strong links between capital movements and trade in services, this paper pays particular attention to the rules of the GATS on capital flows and discusses the policy space available in the GATS for restricting capital flows in times of crisis.

Students of bargaining have long focused on the dual nature of international negotiations, which take place both internationally and domestically. The prevailing wisdom is that under certain conditions political leaders can use domestic constraints to get a better deal at the negotiating table. In this article, I argue that under certain conditions leaders have an incentive to use 'international constraints' to pressure their domestic constituents into accepting a particular policy. I apply this argument to the Serbian and Croatian cases of Western pressure for cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (Hague Tribunal).

In 2021 the international climate policy agenda will need to catch up on much that was not accomplished in 2020. Because of the pandemic, deadlines were postponed and processes slowed down. What is the position of major climate policy powers in early 2021, and what momentum can we expect for international negotiations? The most important impetus this year will come from the EU, the US and China. However, since these three powers are also competitors, the EU and its member states will have to strengthen multilateral cooperation overall so as to push for reaching the Paris Agreement targets, formulate clear expectations, and ensure that all actors remain on equal terms. For Germany and the EU it will therefore be crucial to continue to focus decisively on joint action with partner countries within networks, and to concentrate on core issues with the US. Obvious areas for cooperation with Washington are a joint diplomatic approach for the next international climate conference (COP26), and rec­on­ciling climate and trade policy. (author's abstract)

Politics in the international climate regime is a balancing act between intra- and intergenerational justice, as it has to account for both the needs of developing countries and those of future generations. Following a constructivist approach, this paper argues that international climate politics are heavily dependent upon the way climate change and the appropriate behavior required to prevent it are constructed collectively. The article shows how the diffusion of norms and changing images of climate change have shifted the interests of the actors under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. As a result, adaptation became more and more widely accepted as a necessary step in international climate politics in advancing the strategy of climate change avoidance. This also represents a shift from a focus on intergenerational justice as the main normative goal of the convention, to a broader aim of sustainable development that comprises both inter- and intragenerational justice.

"German public servants are not appropriately represented in many international organizations. With these organizations increasingly using internal promotion to fill their management posts, the Federal German Government should do more to help young professionals and change from a reactive to a proactive, strategically oriented personnel policy for Germans in international organizations. At the same time, the general conditions for returning professionals should be improved. Germany has enough high-quality undergraduate and post-graduate courses and internships to prepare young professionals for work in the development field, but they are not sufficiently geared to occupational integration. Many young professionals fail to take adequate account in their career planning of the need, given the very limited number of permanent posts in international organizations, so to structure their training that they also have job prospects in other institutions at home and abroad. The training provided by secondary schools and universities should be backed by the early provision of careers guidance. In this, schools and universities should cooperate closely with the Büro Führungskräfte zu Internationalen Organisationen (Office for Managers in International Organizations – BFIO) of the Zentralstelle der Arbeitsvermittlung (Central Employment Agency – ZAV). The instruments of Germany's international personnel policy at middle, higher and top management levels should be complemented by an instrument to promote the advancement of young professionals that follows on directly from the programme of Beigeordnete Sachverständige zu Internationalen Organisationen (Experts Assigned to International Organizations, or BS Programme, a Federal Government programme that assists young professionals). The BS Programme should be expanded. At the same time, Germans working in the United Nations (UN) agencies and European Union (EU) institutions should be linked more closely to Germany and familiarized with the German development agenda through the installation of counterpart structures in the relevant German government departments,
through even closer attention from the Permanent Representatives and through the promotion of the development of networks." (excerpt)

A national approach to environmental protection is the most effective way for Australia to protect its own environment and to contribute to the common cause of global environmental protection.[1] The centerpiece of this approach should be a federal environmental protection authority (EPA), able to deal with the issues which arise on a transboundary basis, both nationally and internationally. However, the powers of a national agency will need to be tailored to avoid conflict within the system of cooperative federalism in Australia. This article reviews constitutional tensions between federal and state government as they relate to several of the major international environmental conventions that bind Australia. The authors conclude that a federal authority, committed to enforcing Australia's international agreements to protect the environment, is the most effective means of addressing worldwide concern with the state of the natural world.

International audience ; Afghanistan, Cuba, Côte-d'Ivoire, Darfour, Irak, Koweït, Kosovo, Rwanda, Tibet, Timor oriental, Somalie, etc. Egrener les parties du monde où les bruits de bottes se sont fait pressants ; où le fracas des armes a pu devenir assourdissant ; où les crimes internationaux se sont déchaînés ; où les pertes humaines ont été légion, est un exercice sans fin. Or, si les « crises » sont ni plus ni moins consubstantielles à l'ordre international elles ne sont cependant pas les guerres ; elles peuvent toutefois les précéder, leur succéder voire leur être simultanées ce qui rend souvent ténue la frontière entre les deux concepts. Le XXe siècle aura été à cet égard le théâtre de changements radicaux ; le XXIe siècle confirmera la propagation des désordres géopolitiques. L'ère de l'« hyper-puissance américaine » (Hubert Védrine) a succédé à l'ordre bipolaire de la guerre froide - que le fondateur de la V République se plaisait à nommer la « double hégémonie » . Les « conflits armés internes » ont pris l'ascendant sur les guerres classiques entre États. La politique de la terreur a envahi les moindres recoins du «village planétaire» - jusqu'aux gratte-ciel new-yorkais - au point de préfigurer un ordre multipolaire où des « valeurs » et des « civilisations» disparates s'entrechoquent, où l'Occidentvacille, où les coups de boutoirs des obscurantismes de tous bords sont à leur paroxysme.