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This project looks into the lives of three Black Americans: W.E.B Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Robert Robinson. In the mid twentieth century, Du Bois and Robeson were Black radicals. However, their politics were incompatible with the changing Cold War political climate. Eventually, they were ostracized and their radical legacies were undermined and transmitted through a liberal framework. As for Robert Robinson, he was a Black Subaltern whose story is not well known. He has lived in the Soviet Union for over 44 years, most of which was against his will. The purpose of this project if to uncover the silences of their lives in the context of the Cold War.

Analysis of public opinion (PO) polling data collected during the 1980s suggests that Americans are basically wary of the USSR, & that this attitude is largely based on reactions to Soviet behavior. Further, the findings reveal that Americans favor firmness in dealing with the USSR. Nevertheless Americans express faith in having dialogue with the Soviets & want their government to be engaged in negotiations. The limited knowledge Americans have of the USSR & their reliance on TV for news of the country make US PO susceptible to change. Indeed, some US attitudes about the Soviets have changed coincident with Mikhail Gorbachev's ascension to power & the Soviet-US rapprochement. These findings reject the notion that the US is capricious & volatile, having no place in foreign policy formation. Rather, American attitudes have been reasonable, responding to events in what would appear to be a logical manner, & that US foreign policymakers would be wise to consider PO in their deliberations. 6 Figures, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the two victory days, military action on the fronts stopped. But peace did not return, nor does anyone know when it will. Peace is not simply absence of military .ction. It is a state of international relations corresponding to "periods of normalcy" in the internal affairs of a nation. Peace exists, when these relations are dominated by good will, mutual understanding and friendly cooperation.The post-war world longs for peace. But there is no peace because, among the sovereign states, there is one which acts against peace. This is the Soviet Union. Is it, however, certain that the foreign policy of the Soviets is aggressive? Is it not true that, in Moscow, aggressiveness is ascribed to the United States and to the alleged Western bloc headed by it?In March, 1946, Professor E. Tarle, an authoritative spokesman of the Soviet government, placed in opposition "the old imperialistic concept of international relations" practiced by London and Washington and "the Soviet conception which is based on respect for the rights of the peoples and their real independence."

AS SCHOLARS ANALYZE THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET COMMUNIST SYSTEM, THEY MUST EXPLAIN HOW A POLITICAL SYSTEM THAT HAD EVERY APPEARANCE OF POTENCY IN 1985 BECAME INCREASINGLY INEFFECTIVE AND FINALLY DISINTEGRATED BY LATE 1991. TO DO SO, THEY MUST FOCUS ON THE NATURE OF POWER IN THE OLD SYSTEM AND ON THE PROCESS OF TRANSFORMATION. FOR THE LATTER, THE COMPARATIVE LITERATURE ON TRANSITIONS TO DEMOCRACY IS HELPFUL, ESPECIALLY ITS THESIS THAT REGIME CHANGE IS A PROCESS THAT DEVELOPS ITS OWN DYNAMIC IN WHICH THE INTENT OF LEADING ACTORS DIFFERS FROM THE RESULTS. IN ADDITION, THE TWO MOST TRADITIONAL CONCEPTS USED IN SOVIET STUDIES--NAMELY, TOTALITARIANISM AND POLITICAL CULTURE--ARE MORE EXPLANATORY THAT MIGHT BE EXPECTED.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Author's Note -- Preface -- Part One: Doctrine vis-à-vis Realpolitik -- 1. Soviet Doctrine Concerning the Arab World -- Continuity and Change in Consolidating and Shaping Soviet Doctrine Up to the Early 1950s -- Methods and Vehicles for Carrying Out the Soviet Doctrine -- The Soviet Union and the Local Egyptian Communist Elements -- 2. The Egyptian Communist Movement and its Role in the Internal Political Arena Up to 1955 -- The Emergence of a Communist Party in Egypt -- Some Ideological Dimensions in the Communist Design Concerning the Egyptian National Struggle -- Communist Political Activity and its Influence, 1947-55 -- 3. The Relationship Between Communism and Islam -- Communism and Islam -- The Various Approaches to the Issue as Introduced by Egyptian and Arab Intellectuals -- Part Two: The Beginning of the Soviet Involvement in Egyptian Affairs: The Dynamics of Penetration, 1947-55 -- 4. The USSR's First Steps in the Egyptian and Middle-Eastern Arena -- Soviet Support for the Arabs -- The Soviet Position Concerning the Palestine Issue, 1947-48 -- 5. The Soviet Response to Western Attempts to Form a Middle East Defence Organization, 1947-52 -- The Crystallization of the US Containment Policy and its Extension to the Middle East -- Continuity and Change in Soviet-Egyptian Relations After the Palestine War -- The Policy of the Wafd Government Towards the East-West Conflict, 1950-52 -- 6. Soviet-Egyptian Relations Under Nasir, 1952-55 -- Soviet Response to the July 1952 Coup D'état -- Stalin's Successors' Policy Towards Egypt -- Nasir's Neutralism and the Baghdad-Pact -- Nasir and the Non-Alignment Camp -- 7. Egyptian Arms Deals with the Soviet Bloc and Their Implications -- Negotiations for Arms, 1954-55.

Gerhard Wettig ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache u.d.T.: Die Sowjetunion und die Vereinigung Deutschlands ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1990,34/44

The 1980s have become and are likely to remain a new "time of troubles" for the Soviet Union. Principal among these troubles is a faltering economy. The average rate of annual growth for the Eleventh Five-Year Plan (1981-86) is likely to be just over 2 per cent, half the rate achieved a decade ago; and die productivity of both labor and capital in industry during the first three years of the present Plan actually declined. Although investment in machinery production has increased by more than 20 per cent—a key element of a strategy designed to accelerate the modernization of an aged industrial plant—the growth in production of new machinery remains at a postwar low. Increased investment in agriculture has also produced disappointing results, and food shortages in cities are likely to recur in '85. The Soviet leadership must be equally troubled by the fact that, despite rising consumer expectations, growth in per capita consumption during the first three years of the present Plan has averaged a mere 1 per cent—a sharp contrast to the 4-5 per cent realized during the 1970s.

The golden era of the study of folklore in the Soviet Union was the first decade after the Revolution, when the party and government, occupied with more urgent tasks, let the literary scholars and folklorists do their work relatively undisturbed. In 1925 the so-called "magna charta libertatis" for Soviet writers was issued by the Central Committee of the party, which permitted "free competition of various groups and currents." As a result, the 1920s turned out to be rich and fruitful in literary scholarship, including folkloristics. In the study of folklore, different trends could freely coexist and thrive side by side. The most important of them were the historical school, Formalism, and the so-called Finnish school. The historical school continued the traditions of its leader Vsevolod Miller, whose first concern had been to find reflections of concrete historical reality in Russian byliny (epic songs). Thus the tendencies of the historical school are found in the commentaries to some bylina collections in 1918 and 1919, and also appeared strongly in the works of the brothers Boris and Iurii Sokolov, both of them disciples of Miller.

Political factions in Afghanistan; plight of refugees; attrition in the Soviet troops; outlook for the future.

Africa is no longer a silent continent but, rather, a continent of great expectations. In the 1960's, participation of the new African states in the solution of internat'l problems, large & small, is a fact of internat'l life. It has been the policy of the USSR, throughout the period of the emergence of independent states in Africa, to support, esp in the UN, anticolonial struggles & decolonization proposals & resolutions. The USSR, aware of the discrepancies between former colonial countries & their ex-possessions re trade, indust'al development, educ, & Med care, is pursuing a policy toward Africa calculated to assist the African countries in attacking & ending backwardness. This policy supports nationalization of the properties of foreign monopolies, development of local industry, creation & strengthening of a state-owned sector of the economy, & radical agri'al reforms. The USSR is convinced that practical measures must be taken to mitigate the damaging effects of worldmarket price-&-demand fluctuations on African economies. These measures include equal trade agreements, low-interest credits, guaranteed market, supplying necessary equipment, & training local African personnel. The USSR feels that the African nations' position of positive neutralism fully corresponds to African needs & interests, & permits freedom of choice in SE development. AA.

How India will adjust its Soviet-oriented foreign and defense policies now that the Soviet Union has dissolved.

Gorbachev's radical shift in policies and the dismantling of the 'iron curtain' have profoundly affected American views of the Soviet Union. Investigates changing attitudes toward the Soviet 'threat' and the state of US--Soviet relations. These changing perceptions are reflected in an overall image improvement. (SJK)