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In the wake of the 1989 revolutions in East Central Europe, two parallel developments took place in rapid succession. On the one hand, strong national sentiments accompanied by a desire to set up independent nation states emerged in the countries neighboring Hungary. At the same time, the ethnic Magyar minorities, long excluded from participation in the political life of those countries, gained the ability to establish their political movements, to enter candidates in local and national elections, and to elect their own deputies in the national parliaments and local governments. On the other hand, the fate of the Magyar minorities and the guaranteeing of their rights became one of the central elements of Hungary's foreign policy in bilateral relations with its neighbors. Budapest also embarked on a major effort to make the minority problem an international issue and to achieve some form of international legal codification for minority rights. These simultaneous and, in part, contradictory developments and goals placed several dilemmas before Hungarian policy-makers that, three years later, have yet to be resolved.

"Advocacy Coalitions in Foreign Policy" published on by Oxford University Press.

PARADOXICALLY, IN A PERIOD WHEN SO MUCH WESTERN POLICY TOWARDS THE THIRD WORLD APPEARS TO BE FORMULATED ON A MODEL OF SIMPLE IDEOLOGICAL POLARITY, MOZAMBIQUE, ORIGINALLY A NEO-CONSERVATIVE BETE ROUGE OF THE DEEPEST HUE, HAS BEEN DEVELOPING AN INCREASINGLY BROAD AND PRAGMATIC NETWORK OF FOREIGN RELATIONS. DESPITE A CONTINUING DECLARATORY COMMITMENT TO THE SOVIET BLOC IN THE MAIN ISSUE AREAS OF EAST- WEST CONFRONTATION, PRESIDENT SAMORA MACHEL AND HIS FOREIGN MINISTER, JOAQUIM CHISSANO, HAVE SHOWN AN EVIDENT INTEREST IN MOVING THE AVOWEDLY MARXIST-LENINIST FRELIMO1 GOVERNMENT TOWARDS CLOSER POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH THE WEST. THIS HAS EXTENDED EVEN TO THE MILITARY SPHERE WITH PORTUGAL, A NATO MEMBER, UNDERTAKING WIDE COMMITMENTS IN THE TRAINING AND EQUIPPING OF THE MOZAMBICAN ARMY. THE TOUR OF WEST EUROPEAN CAPITALS UNDERTAKEN BY MACHEL, CHISSANO AND OTHER POLITBURO MEMBERS IN OCTOBER 1983, HAS MOST RECENTLY CONFIRMED THIS REORIENTATION.

Address before the Royal institute of international affairs, London, July 9, 1946.

This article argues that a liberal cosmopolitan approach to feminist foreign policy reproduces existing relations of power, including gender power relations and Western liberal modes of domination. I suggest that a critical feminist ethic of care offers a potentially radical and transformative account of ethics as a basis for a transnational feminism – one that reveals and troubles the binary gender norms that constitute the international and which exposes the ways in which patriarchal orders uphold political hierarchies that obstruct the building of empathy and repairing of relationship. To illustrate this argument, I address the recent diplomatic crises faced by Sweden and Canada in their relationships with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Policymakers and diplomats must aim to build understanding by recognizing the material and discursive factors that have constructed, over time, the relationships between Saudi Arabia and Sweden/Canada, as well as the ways in which patriarchal structures – across the globe and at multiple scales – hinder the possibility of attentive listening and connection across borders. It is only through the prism of this relationship – where difference takes on meaning – that the more complex role of Western states in the contemporary system of transnational militarism is revealed.

Bipartisanship has become so associated with the conduct of foreign policy that partisanship has virtually been forgotten. In this persuasive study of senatorial politics, Malcolm E. Jewell reasserts the importance of partisanship, arguing that increased party responsibility is the best guarantee for the establishment of sound policy and for the continued support of policy once established. The author bases his conclusions on a study of the Senate during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations