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Elecciones en ItaliaPor tercera vez, Silvio Berlusconi será primer ministro de Italia. El Partido del Pueblo de la Libertad (PDL), de derecha, aliado a la Liga Norte, en la Cámara de Diputados obtuvo 340 bancas, frente a 241 del Partido Democrático, de Walter Veltroni, de centroizquierda, en coalición con el Partido de Italia de los Valores (IDV).Entre las primeras decisiones que tomará como jefe de Gobierno se encuentran: la integración de su próximo gabinete, la crisis de la basura en Nápoles, el problema de la privatización de Alitalia, entre otros. Diferentes medios informan al respecto:"El País" de Madrid informa: "Italia vota a ritmo lento. Colas en los colegios de Roma, donde los electores deben rellenar cinco papeletas distintas":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Italia/vota/ritmo/lento/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_4/TesItalia elige entre dos mundos.La abstención de la izquierda puede abrir la puerta al regreso de Berlusconi:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Italia/elige/mundos/elpepiint/20080413elpepiint_1/Tes"El Universal" de México publica: "El 'Obama italiano' enfrenta hoy en las urnas a Berlusconi":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57443.html"Times" informa: "Berlusconi appears headed for third term as Italian PM":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article3744594.ece"La Nación" nos informa: "Los sondeos a boca de urna marcan una leve ventaja de Berlusconi":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004269"CNN" publica: "Berlusconi to form new cabinet this week":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/04/15/italy.berlusconi.ap/index.htmlBerlusconi realizó los primeros anuncios.El Cavaliere develó el nombre del futuro canciller y se mostró en favor del federalismo; el escrutinio final confirmó la mayoría absoluta en ambas cámaras, "La Nación" publica:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004539Italia: arrasó Berlusconi y recuperó el poder.Gobernará con mayoría absoluta en las cámaras:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004504"The Economist" publica: "Return of the jester":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11022014Berlusconi ensalza la xenofobia. El primer ministro propone cerrar las fronteras y crear campos de detención - Opina que el Ejecutivo español es 'demasiado rosa' por el número de mujeres, "El País" de Madrid publica: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Berlusconi/ensalza/xenofobia/elpepuint/20080416elpepiint_1/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "Silvio Berlusconi n'exclut pas une solution avec Air France-KLM concernant Alitalia":http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2008/04/16/silvio-berlusconi-n-exclut-pas-une-solution-avec-air-france-klm-con"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Primer Ministro electo en Italia da lineamientos de su gobierno: Berlusconi anuncia lucha contra impuestos y la delincuencia":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/_portada/noticias/D901D106-B807-4045-9281-DEE6933B43B7.htm?id={D901D106-B807-4045-9281-DEE6933B43B7}"La Nación" analiza al nuevo primer ministro: "El polémico magnate que reconquistó a los italianos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004506 AMERICA LATINA¡SOS! Ingrid sigue viva .La Iglesia mantiene latente la llama de un acuerdo con las FARC."El País" de Madrid informa: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/SOS/Ingrid/sigue/viva/elpepuint/20080413elpepiint_5/TesRaul's Cuba tweaks housing, wage rules. Castro legalizes private titles to government homes, ends wage limits, "MSNBC" publica:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24074142/"Miami Herald" informa: "Fidel: I don't like recent reforms":http://www.miamiherald.com/579/story/498495.html"El Universal" de México informa: "Crea Chávez comando general de reservistas":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57439.html"The Economist" informa: "Hugo Chávez seeks to nationalise the cement and steel industries":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11021288"Time" informa: "Venezuela Hikes Taxes on Crude Oil":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731501,00.html"Miami Herald" publica: "Venezuelan TV may be fined for showing 'The Simpsons'":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/americas/story/498522.htmlTensión en Haití, diferentes medios nos informan:"El Universal": "Destituyen a premier en Haití y bajan el precio del arroz":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57441.html"CNN": "Haitian prime minister ousted over high food prices":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/04/12/haiti.ap/index.html"El País": " La violencia en Haití se cobra la vida de un soldado de la ONU":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/violencia/Haiti/cobra/vida/soldado/ONU/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_3/Tes"MSNBC": "U.N. soldier killed in Haiti's riots over food. Senators fire PM over turmoil; rising price of rice led to crisis and cost cut":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24072532/Se endurecen los cruces entre el Gobierno y el campo.Alberto Fernández dijo que "no es fácil hablar con quienes desabastecieron el país"; Buzzi advirtió que "no hay margen para dilatar" definiciones y que "no hay confianza" en las bases; la reunión en Agricultura se postergó para esta tarde, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1004540 ESTADOS UNIDOS Visita del Papa Benedicto XVI a los Estados Unidos, informan al respecto diferentes medios:"MSNBC" publica: "Benedict XVI ready to meet America.Unwavering — but positive — message: Religious values matter":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24087062/"El Mercurio" de Chile publica: "Benedicto XVI promete tomar medidas para evitar a los pederastas en el sacerdocio":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/_portada/noticias/A60B4529-205A-42C5-84DF-885C8687B17B.htm?id={A60B4529-205A-42C5-84DF-885C8687B17B}"El País" de Madrid publica: "El Papa pide a Bush diplomacia para resolver los conflictos internacionales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Papa/pide/Bush/diplomacia/resolver/conflictos/internacionales/elppgl/20080416elpepuint_13/TesVarios medios informan sobre la campaña electoral estadounidense:"El Universal" de México informa: "Obama enfrenta lluvia de críticas":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57436.htmlWhite House urges Carter not to meet Hamas leaderhttp://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/04/10/carter.hamas/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Welcome to the Super Bowl. Post-industrial Pennsylvania will decide whether Hillary Clinton can continue with her presidential bid":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11017667"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Hillary aventaja por 6 puntos a Obama en Pennsylvania":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/internacional/noticias/CCCF4673-B7B6-42BB-9A29-D4ADC8FB74F5.htm?id={CCCF4673-B7B6-42BB-9A29-D4ADC8FB74F5}"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Supremo de EE UU avala las ejecuciones por inyección letal":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Supremo/EE/UU/avala/ejecuciones/inyeccion/letal/elpepuint/20080416elpepuint_22/TesEUROPAZapatero anunció su nuevo gabinete, en el que hay más ministras que ministros, "El País" de Madrid informa: "Mayoría femenina, en gobierno español":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57437.html"MSNBC" publica: "France: Pirates held, hostages freed off Somalia. French troops arrest six after release of 30 crew members held for a week":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24062328/STEPHAN SBERRO para "El Universal" de México analiza: "Holanda y el choque de civilizaciones":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57442.html Balkan politics"The Economist" analiza la situacion política de los Balcanes: "The troubles of European integration":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11022023Designan a Putin presidente del partido oficial. Fue elegido por unanimidad como nuevo líder de Rusia Unida para los próximos cuatro años, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004537Putin ordena estrechar lazos con los territorios secesionistas de Georgia. Moscú quiere pasar factura por la ampliación de la OTAN y la independencia de Kosovo con el apoyo a Osetia del Sur y Abjazia, "El País" de Madrid publica:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Putin/ordena/estrechar/lazos/territorios/secesionistas/Georgia/elpepuint/20080416elpepuint_20/TesASIA – PACÍFICO Y MEDIO ORIENTEElecciones en Nepal:Millions vote in historic Nepal election.Voters undeterred by violence, clashes that kill two,"MSNBC" informa:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24017601/"The Economist" publica:http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11021213"Time" publica: "When the Maoists Take Over Nepal":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731248,00.html"CNN" informa: "U.N. probe sought into Bhutto slaying":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/04/15/bhutto.uniquiry/index.htmlContinua el conficto entre Tibet y China, nos informan:"MSNBC": "9 monks accused of bombing Tibet building. China says they planted homemade device in government offices":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24088206/"The Economist": "Torch song trilogy. A lament for Tibet, sung in three Western cities and heard with fury in China":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11016360"China Daily" publica: "China's economy grows 10.6% in Q1":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-04/16/content_6621746.htm"CNN": "Bombings kill at least 60 in Iraq":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/04/15/iraq.mainbombs/index.html"Time" publica: "Al-Qaeda in Iraq: Not Done Yet":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731473,00.html"El País" de Madrid publica: "Una bomba mata a nueve personas en una mezquita iraní":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/bomba/mata/personas/mezquita/irani/elpepuint/20080413elpepiint_9/Tes AFRICAZimbawe: continua tensión frente a elecciones presidenciales. Diferentes medios informan:"El País" de Madrid informa: "Zimbabue volverá a repetir el escrutinio de las presidenciales en 23 distritos":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Zimbabue/volvera/repetir/escrutinio/presidenciales/23/distritos/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_1/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Zimbabwean police ban political rallies. Crisis deepens as opposition plans strike, Mugabe mulls summit snub":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24065537/z< "CNN" nos informa: "Opposition warns of genocide in Zimbabwe":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/04/15/zimbabwe.election/index.htmlElecciones en Kenia: El Gobierno y la oposición de Kenia alcanzan finalmente un acuerdo para el reparto del poder.El presidente Mwai Kibaki y el líder opositor Raila Odinga se reúnen para zanjar las diferencias, y zanjar la crisis política"El País" de Madrid publica:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/oposicion/Kenia/alcanzan/finalmente/acuerdo/reparto/poder/elpepuint/20080412elpepuint_13/Tes"The Economist" informa: "The other dodgy election":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11020433"Time" analiza: "Can Kenyan Power-Share Plan Work?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1730694,00.html"CNN" publica: "African air crash kills 75; 15 survive":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/04/15/congo.crash/index.htmlECONOMIA"The Economist" en su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11033501&CFID=2189255&CFTOKEN=75713319"MSNBC" publica: "World's economic leaders look to avert crises. Top economic powers endorse 'rapid implementation' of plan ":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24070726/"La Nación" publica: "Nuevo récord del precio del petróleo. El valor del barril en Nueva York, en Londres y en Viena tocó nuevos precios máximos; influyen la caída del dólar y los temores a la falta de suministro":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/economia/nota.asp?nota_id=1004541OTRAS NOTICIAS En su sección"EcoSolutions la "CNN" informa:"Lake in Chile empties from melting glacier"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/TECH/04/10/eco.lake.ap/index.html"Australia launches project to bury carbon dioxide"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/04/02/australia.carbon.capture.ap/index.html

Importance: Limited empirical research has examined the extent to which cohort-level prevalence of substance use is associated with the onset of drug use and transitioning into greater involvement with drug use. Objective: To use cross-national data to examine time-space variation in cohort-level drug use to assess its associations with onset and transitions across stages of drug use, abuse, dependence, and remission. Design, setting, and participants: The World Health Organization World Mental Health Surveys carried out cross-sectional general population surveys in 25 countries using a consistent research protocol and assessment instrument. Adults from representative household samples were interviewed face-to-face in the community in relation to drug use disorders. The surveys were conducted between 2001 and 2015. Data analysis was performed from July 2017 to July 2018. Main outcomes and measures: Data on timing of onset of lifetime drug use, DSM-IV drug use disorders, and remission from these disorders was assessed using the Composite International Diagnostic Interview. Associations of cohort-level alcohol prevalence and drug use prevalence were examined as factors associated with these transitions. Results: Among the 90 027 respondents (48.1% [SE, 0.2%] men; mean [SE] age, 42.1 [0.1] years), 1 in 4 (24.8% [SE, 0.2%]) reported either illicit drug use or extramedical use of prescription drugs at some point in their lifetime, but with substantial time-space variation in this prevalence. Among users, 9.1% (SE, 0.2%) met lifetime criteria for abuse, and 5.0% (SE, 0.2%) met criteria for dependence. Individuals who used 2 or more drugs had an increased risk of both abuse (odds ratio, 5.17 [95% CI, 4.66-5.73]; P < .001) and dependence (odds ratio, 5.99 [95% CI, 5.02-7.16]; P < .001) and reduced probability of remission from abuse (odds ratio, 0.86 [95% CI, 0.76-0.98]; P = .02). Birth cohort prevalence of drug use was also significantly associated with both initiation and illicit drug use transitions; for example, after controlling for individuals' experience of substance use and demographics, for each additional 10% of an individual's cohort using alcohol, a person's odds of initiating drug use increased by 28% (odds ratio, 1.28 [95% CI, 1.26-1.31]). Each 10% increase in a cohort's use of drug increased individual risk by 12% (1.12 [95% CI, 1.11-1.14]). Conclusions and relevance: Birth cohort substance use is associated with drug use involvement beyond the outcomes of individual histories of alcohol and other drug use. This has important implications for understanding pathways into and out of problematic drug use. ; The World Health Organization World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative is supported by the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; R01 MH070884), the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Pfizer Foundation, the United States Public Health Service (R13-MH066849, R01-MH069864, and R01 DA016558), the Fogarty International Center (FIRCA R03-TW006481), the Pan American Health Organization, Eli Lilly and Company, Ortho-McNeil Pharmaceutical Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, and Bristol-Myers Squibb. This work was supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) project grant (no. 1081984). Dr Degenhardt is supported by a NHMRC Senior Principal Research Fellowship (no. 1135991) and NIDA NIH grant R01 DA044170–02. We thank the staff of the WMH Data Collection and Data Analysis Coordination Centres for assistance with instrumentation, fieldwork, and consultation on data analysis. None of the funders had any role in the design, analysis, interpretation of results, or preparation of this paper. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views of the World Health Organization, other sponsoring organizations, agencies, or governments. The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The Argentina survey -- Estudio Argentino de Epidemiología en Salud Mental (EASM) -- was supported by a grant from the Argentinian Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud de la Nación). The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Thematic Project Grant 03/00204–3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders EPIBUL is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. The Chinese World Mental Health Survey Initiative is supported by the Pfizer Foundation. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health (NSMH) is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín – Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The ESEMeD project is funded by the European Commission (Contracts QLG5–1999-01042; SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308), (the Piedmont Region (Italy)), Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS 00/0028), Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain (SAF 2000–158-CE), Departament de Salut, Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain, DIUE de la Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 452; 2014 SGR 748), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (CIBER CB06/02/0046, RETICS Degenhardt et al. Page 12 JAMA Psychiatry. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2019 August 05. Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript RD06/0011 REM-TAP), and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi MOH and MOP with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund (UNDG ITF). The Israel National Health Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The World Mental Health Japan (WMHJ) Survey is supported by the Grant for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health (H13- SHOGAI-023, H14-TOKUBETSU-026, H16-KOKORO-013, H25-SEISHIN-IPPAN-006) from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs Of the Nation (L.E.B.A.N.O.N.) is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health / Fogarty International Center (R03 TW006481–01), anonymous private donations to IDRAAC, Lebanon, and unrestricted grants from, Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, Glaxo Smith Kline, Lundbeck, Novartis, OmniPharma, Pfizer, Phenicia, Servier, UPO. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey (MNCS) is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente (INPRFMDIES 4280) and by the National Council on Science and Technology (CONACyT-G30544- H), with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Te Rau Hinengaro: The New Zealand Mental Health Survey (NZMHS) is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council, and the Health Research Council. The Nigerian Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHW) is supported by the WHO (Geneva), the WHO (Nigeria), and the Federal Ministry of Health, Abuja, Nigeria. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health & Social Care Research & Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian World Mental Health Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care –EZOP Project (PL 0256) was supported by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through funding from the EEA Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. EZOP project was co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Health. The South Africa Stress and Health Study (SASH) is supported by the US National Institute of Mental Health (R01-MH059575) and National Institute of Drug Abuse with supplemental funding from the South African Department of Health and the University of Michigan. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain – Murcia (PEGASUSMurcia) Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias (FFIS) of Murcia. The Ukraine Comorbid Mental Disorders during Periods of Social Disruption (CMDPSD) study is funded by the US National Institute of Mental Health (RO1-MH61905). The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R) is supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; U01-MH60220) with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF; Grant 044708), and the John W. Alden Trust. Dr Andrade is supported by the Brazilian Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq Grant # 307784/2016–9). Dr Stein is supported by the Medical Research Council of South Africa (MRC). In the past three years, Dr Degenhardt has received investigator-initiated untied educational grants for studies of opioid medications in Australia from Indivior, Mundipharma and Seqirus. Dr Kessler received support for his epidemiological studies from Sanofi Aventis; was a consultant for Johnson & Johnson Wellness and Prevention, Sage Pharmaceuticals, Shire, Takeda; served on an advisory board for the Johnson & Johnson Services Inc. Lake Nona Life Project; and being a co-owner of DataStat, Inc., a market research firm that carries out healthcare research. Dr Demyttenaere has served on advisory boards for Boehringer Ingelheim, Eli Lilly, Lundbeck, Johnson&Johnson, Livanova, Servier, and has research grants from Eli Lilly, foundation 'ga voor geluk', Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Vlaanderen. Dr Stein has received research grants and/or consultancy honoraria from AMBRF, Biocodex, Cipla, Lundbeck, National Responsible Gambling Foundation, Novartis, Servier, and Sun. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views or policies of the WHO, other sponsoring organisations, agencies, or governments, and do not necessarily represent the views, official policy, or position of the US. Department of Health and Human Services or any of its affiliated institutions or agencies. Dr Glantz's role on this study is through his involvement as a Science Officer on U01- MH60220. He had no involvement in the other cited grants.

The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.

CSES Variable List
The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.

Themes:
MICRO-LEVEL DATA:

Identification and study administration variables:
weighting factors;election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election

Demography:
age; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; current employment status; main occupation; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; occupation of chief wage earner and of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; race; ethnicity; region of residence; rural or urban residence

Survey variables:
respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the previous election; satisfaction with the democratic process in the country; last election was conducted fairly; form of questionnaire (long or short); party identification; intensity of party identification; political parties care what people think; political parties are necessary; recall of candidates from the last election (name, gender and party); number of candidates correctly named; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of the state of the economy in the country; assessment of economic development in the country; degree of improvement or deterioration of economy; politicians know what people think; contact with a member of parliament or congress during the past twelve months; attitude towards selected statements: it makes a difference who is in power and who people vote for; people express their political opinion; self-assessment on a left-right-scale; assessment of parties and political leaders on a left-right-scale; political information items

DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA:

number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district

MACRO-LEVEL DATA:

founding year of parties; ideological families of parties; international organization the parties belong to; left-right position of parties assigned by experts; election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; most salient factors in the election; head of state (regime type); if multiple rounds: selection of head of state; direct election of head of state and process of direct election; threshold for first-round victory; procedure for candidate selection at final round; simple majority or absolute majority for 2nd round victory; year of presidential election (before or after this legislative election); process if indirect election of head of state; head of government (president or prime minister); selection of prime minister; number of elected legislative chambers; for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; number of primary districts; number of seats; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; compulsory voting; votes cast; voting procedure; electoral formula; party threshold; parties can run joint lists; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement; types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; ally party support; constitutional prerogatives of the head of state; constitutional powers of prime minister; methods of cabinet dismissal; dissolution of legislature

Die European Values Study (EVS) und die World Values Survey (WVS) sind zwei groß angelegte, länderübergreifende und längsschnittliche Umfrage-Forschungsprogramme. Sie umfassen eine große Anzahl von Fragen zu moralischen, religiösen, gesellschaftlichen, politischen, beruflichen und familiären Werten, die seit Anfang der achtziger Jahre repliziert wurden.

Beide Organisationen vereinbarten, ab 2017 bei der gemeinsamen Datenerhebung zusammenzuarbeiten. Der EVS war verantwortlich für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in europäischen Ländern unter Verwendung des EVS-Fragebogens und der methodischen Richtlinien des EVS. Der WVSA war für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in Ländern außerhalb Europas verantwortlich, wobei der WVS-Fragebogen und die methodischen Richtlinien des WVS verwendet wurden. Beide Organisationen entwickelten ihre Entwürfe für Master-Fragebögen unabhängig voneinander. Die gemeinsamen Items definieren den gemeinsamen Kern beider Fragebögen.

Der Gemeinsame EVS/WVS wird aus den beiden Quellendatensätzen des EVS und des WVS erstellt:
- European Values Study 2017 Integrated Dataset (EVS 2017), ZA7500 Data file Version 5.0.0, doi:10.4232/1.13897 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13897).
- World Values Survey: Round Seven–Country-Pooled Datafile. Version 5.0.0, doi: 10.14281/18241.20

As famine looms in northern Gaza, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees is hurtling toward collapse."What I can say today is that we can run our operation until the end of May, whereas a month ago I had just the visibility for the next week or two weeks," Philippe Lazzarini, head of the U.N. Palestinian refugees agency (UNRWA), told reporters in Geneva last week, just days after Israel denied him entry into Gaza. "But that shows also how bad the financial situation of the organization is."The money crunch stems in part from a fateful U.S. decision. When Israel accused a dozen of UNRWA's 13,000 Gaza-based employees of facilitating the Oct. 7 attacks, American officials immediately paused funding for the organization pending an investigation. Many other top donors followed suit, leaving UNRWA scrambling to stay afloat.It's since become clear that Israel's accusations relied on less-than-definitive evidence. This revelation led most funders to turn the spigot back on. But the U.S., with its unusually deep pockets, is now banned from changing course. Less than two weeks ago, Congress passed a law blocking all funding for UNRWA until March 2025. The timing of this decision is nothing short of disastrous, according to Christopher Gunness, a former spokesperson for UNRWA. "Mass starvation has already set in, but without UNRWA it's impossible to even slow that down," Gunness said.Despite Israel's claims to the contrary, there is no way to replace UNRWA's role in Gaza, especially amid the largest Palestinian humanitarian crisis since Israel's war of independence, according to experts on humanitarian aid and UNRWA's history. Analysts also fear that potential interruptions in the agency's operations across the Middle East — including in war-torn Syria and crisis-riven Lebanon — could further undermine regional stability.A State Department spokesperson told RS that getting aid to Palestinians in Gaza is a "team effort." "[W]hile we will continue to provide funding to organizations like the World Food Programme [WFP], we will be looking to other donors to continue to provide critical funding to UNRWA as long as our funding remains paused," the spokesperson said in a statement.But groups like WFP simply don't have the capacity to fill the gap made by defunding UNRWA, according to a humanitarian working to get aid into Gaza who requested anonymity to prevent Israeli retribution."The work they do on a day-to-day basis, no one else does it, and you couldn't stand up an organization to do it," the humanitarian worker told RS. "There's literally no other place for [Gazans] to go."A love-hate relationshipDecades removed from its founding, it can be easy to forget where UNRWA came from. In a practical sense, it sprung from the need to get aid to 700,000 Palestinian refugees when it became clear that Israel would not let them return home after the 1948 war. But ideologically, UNRWA's story begins in the Tennessee Valley.
In the 1930s, Congress launched a New Deal project known as the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). The TVA was a development initiative; it enlisted some of those hardest hit by the Great Depression and put them to work building dams, boosting crop yields, and bringing electricity to rural communities. It was, by most accounts, a rousing success.
After the humanitarian disaster of the 1948 war, President Harry Truman hoped TVA chief Gordon Clapp could bring that success to the Middle East. With the support of the fledgling U.N., which had yet to establish an agency for refugees, Clapp visited the region in 1949 and became convinced that the Jordan Valley and other fertile areas in the Levant were ripe for TVA-style development. The U.N. General Assembly agreed, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency was born.
It didn't take long for "works" to disappear from the mission. Development projects sputtered, missing deadlines due to infighting among host countries and the refugees' general unwillingness to be relocated once more. "Most refugees refused to work," said Jalal al-Husseini, an expert on UNRWA's history and an associate researcher at the Insitut français du Proche Orient (Ifpo). "They wanted to go back home." Donor states also realized that large-scale public works are a good bit more expensive than more mundane relief projects.
UNRWA's other activities — from schools to healthcare facilities and aid distribution — were far more successful. The organization provided much-needed help to the governments of Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon, each of which had little capacity to manage the refugee influx on their own.
Besides a brief period in the early 1950s, Israel had little to do with UNRWA until 1967, when its forces routed Egypt, Jordan, and Syria in the provocatively named Six Day War. The conquest created a problem: As an occupying power, Israel was suddenly in charge of the welfare of millions of Palestinians. Tel Aviv quickly struck a deal with UNRWA to keep its operations going in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Since the vast majority of UNRWA's local staff is Palestinian, the agency was "never really seen by Israel as a neutral and independent and impartial U.N. organization," according to Lex Takkenberg, a 30-year veteran of UNRWA who left the agency in 2019.
"It started off with an explicit request by Israel for UNRWA to continue operating," Takkenberg said. "Since that time, there has sort of been a hatred-love relationship."
Israel-Palestine watchers will recognize the pattern. Since the 1960s, Israel has periodically bemoaned the contents of UNRWA textbooks or accused staff of ties to Palestinian political groups (or terrorist organizations, in Tel Aviv's telling), drawing scrutiny from Western donors. UNRWA responds by excising objectionable content from courses and firing employees with apparent conflicts of interest. Over the years, these back-and-forths forced the agency to develop a comprehensive "neutrality framework" to keep politics out of its work.
"Almost without exception, Israel never provided evidence" that employees had ties to groups like Hamas, Takkenberg recalled. But UNRWA would still usually fire them to protect the organization as a whole. "Then the Israelis would be back to business as usual," he said. "It never reached the point that [Israel] asked UNRWA to stop operations."
In substance, the Oct. 7 allegations were the latest entry in this story. Israeli officials made bold allegations that UNRWA employees facilitated the attacks but have yet to provide evidence, even to U.N. investigators.
But the reaction from donors was different. While the International Court of Justice has twice demanded a surge of aid into Gaza to avert disaster, most Western countries suspended support for the strip's leading relief group. Many have restarted their funding, but the U.S., United Kingdom, and Australia are still holding out.
"Prohibiting the Biden administration from contributing to UNRWA creates a large gap in the Agency's annual operating budget," said William Deere, the head of UNRWA's Washington office. The shortfall "will make it harder for UNRWA to assist starving Gazans and potentially further weaken regional stability," Deere argued.UNRWA in crisisUNRWA is, of course, no stranger to crises. When Saddam Hussein's Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Israel imposed a blanket curfew on the West Bank and Gaza, leaving many Palestinians with limited access to food. Quick mobilization from UNRWA prevented a bad situation from getting worse, according to Takkenberg."I organized massive food distributions during short periods that Israel lifted the curfew so that people could collect food from distribution points," he remembered.In the tumultuous period since, UNRWA has managed to stay afloat and provide aid across the Levant despite wars and a blockade in Gaza; a brutal conflict in Syria; and a protracted economic crisis in Lebanon.When President Donald Trump cut off funding in 2018, it came as a shock. "We found out that the Americans were not going to be giving us their money when the check did not arrive in the post," Gunness, the former spokesperson, recalled. This diplomatic equivalent of an Irish goodbye lit a fire under UNRWA staff, who put fundraising efforts into overdrive and filled the gap with pledges from wealthy Gulf countries. Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly backed the effort to avert "disaster" in Gaza.But all of these crises pale in comparison to the trial that the organization faces today. Gulf donors have so far failed to fill the gap left by the U.S. decision to cut off funding. At least 154 UNRWA employees have been killed since Oct. 7, and many of its facilities have been destroyed in the bombing. These direct attacks have been paired with an unprecedented Israeli PR effort to discredit the organization, all with the substantive backing of a Democratic U.S. president.Fringe Israeli activists have long argued that UNRWA is illegitimate in some fundamental sense, perpetuating a fanciful dream that Palestinians will eventually return home. Its existence, they argue, encourages false hope and prevents an end to the conflict. As Israel's political scene has lurched to the right, this view has become more popular. Now, multiple members of Netanyahu's cabinet are publicly opposed to UNRWA's very existence.Israel is now actively working to undermine UNRWA. In January, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich blocked a large shipment of U.S. aid in order to stop it from reaching UNRWA. The U.N. claims that Israeli officials are holding up visas for aid workers affiliated with the agency."UNRWA are part of the problem, and we will now stop working with them," an Israeli spokesperson said last week. "We are actively phasing out the use of UNRWA because they perpetuate the conflict rather than try and alleviate the conflict."Israeli opposition can only do so much to block the agency's work in the short term, according to Takkenberg, who noted that other groups are likely importing humanitarian aid in their own name and simply handing it off to UNRWA upon arrival. But that workaround has its limits as Israel allows only a trickle of aid to enter Gaza each day. There are currently as many as 30,000 trucks sitting in Egypt waiting to cross the border, according to a Jordanian official who spoke with NPR. "There are trucks that have been at the border for three months," the humanitarian worker told RS. "There's all sorts of crazy restrictions that make no sense, even from a security standpoint," they said, adding that they've had medical equipment and food confiscated during inspections.This has left UNRWA, and Gaza as a whole, on the verge of collapse. Israel and its Western backers will likely regret their role in bringing the crisis to this point, argued Gunness. "Any donor governments, especially those who are friends of Israel, who think that it's somehow in Israel's security interests to have millions of angry, hungry, radicalized, mourning, grief-stricken people living in appalling refugee camps and other circumstances on the doorstep of Israel, I wonder what planet they are living in," he said.

Novel species of fungi described in this study include those from various countries as follows: Antartica, Cladosporium austrolitorale from coastal sea sand. Australia, Austroboletus yourkae on soil, Crepidotus innuopurpureus on dead wood, Curvularia stenotaphri from roots and leaves of Stenotaphrum secundatum and Thecaphora stajsicii from capsules of Oxalis radicosa. Belgium, Paraxerochrysium coryli (incl. Paraxerochrysium gen. nov.) from Corylus avellana. Brazil, Calvatia nordestina on soil, Didymella tabebuiicola from leaf spots on Tabebuia aurea, Fusarium subflagellisporum from hypertrophied floral and vegetative branches of Mangifera indica and Microdochium maculosum from living leaves of Digitaria insularis. Canada, Cuphophyllus bondii fromagrassland. Croatia, Mollisia inferiseptata from a rotten Laurus nobilis trunk. Cyprus, Amanita exilis oncalcareoussoil. Czech Republic, Cytospora hippophaicola from wood of symptomatic Vaccinium corymbosum. Denmark, Lasiosphaeria deviata on pieces of wood and herbaceousdebris. Dominican Republic, Calocybella goethei among grass on a lawn. France (Corsica) , Inocybe corsica onwetground. France (French Guiana) , Trechispora patawaensis on decayed branch of unknown angiosperm tree and Trechispora subregularis on decayed log of unknown angiosperm tree. [.] ; P.R. Johnston thanks J. Sullivan (Lincoln University) for the habitat image of Kowai Bush, Duckchul Park (Manaaki Whenua – Landcare Research) for the DNA sequencing, and the New Zealand Department of Conservation for permission to collect the specimens; this research was supported through the Manaaki Whenua – Landcare Research Biota Portfolio with funding from the Science and Innovation Group of the New Zealand Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment. V. Hubka was supported by the Czech Ministry of Health (grant number NU21-05-00681), and is grateful for the support from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science – grant-in-aid for JSPS research fellow (grant no. 20F20772). K. Glässnerová was supported by the Charles University Grant Agency (grant No. GAUK 140520). J. Trovão and colleagues were financed by FEDERFundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional funds through the COMPETE 2020 – Operational Programme for Competitiveness and Internationalisation (POCI), and by Portuguese funds through FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia in the framework of the project POCI-01-0145-FEDER-PTDC/ EPH-PAT/3345/2014. This work was carried out at the R&D Unit Centre for Functional Ecology – Science for People and the Planet (CFE), with reference UIDB/04004/2020, financed by FCT/MCTES through national funds (PIDDAC). J. Trovão was also supported by POCH – Programa Operacional Capital Humano (co-funding by the European Social Fund and national funding by MCTES), through a 'FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia' PhD research grant (SFRH/BD/132523/2017). D. Haelewaters acknowledges support from the Research Foundation – Flanders (Junior Postdoctoral Fellowship 1206620N). M. Loizides and colleagues are grateful to Y. Cherniavsky for contributing collections AB A12-058-1 and AB A12- 058-2, and Á. Kovács and B. Kiss for their help with molecular studies of these specimens. C. Zmuda is thanked for assisting with the collection of ladybird specimens infected with Hesperomyces parexochomi. A.V. Kachalkin and colleagues were supported by the Russian Science Foundation (grant No. 19-74-10002). The study of A.M. Glushakova was carried out as part of the Scientific Project of the State Order of the Government of Russian Federation to Lomonosov Moscow State University No. 121040800174-6. S. Nanu acknowledges the Kerala State Council for Science, Technology and Environment (KSCSTE) for granting a research fellowship and is grateful to the Chief Conservator of Forests and Wildlife for giving permission to collect fungal samples. A. Bañares and colleagues thank L. Monje and A. Pueblas of the Department of Drawing and Scientific Photography at the University of Alcalá for their help in the digital preparation of the photographs, and J. Rejos, curator of the AH herbarium for his assistance with the specimens examined in the present study. The research of V. Antonín received institutional support for long-term conceptual development of research institutions provided by the Ministry of Culture (Moravian Museum, ref. MK000094862). The studies of E.F. Malysheva, V.F. Malysheva, O.V. Morozova, and S.V. Volobuev were carried out within the framework of a research project of the Komarov Botanical Institute RAS, St Petersburg, Russia (АААА-А18-118022090078-2) using equipment of its Core Facility Centre 'Cell and Molecular Technologies in Plant Science'.The study of A.V. Alexandrova was carried out as part of the Scientific Project of the State Order of the Government of Russian Federation to Lomonosov Moscow State University No. 121032300081-7. The Kits van Waveren Foundation (Rijksherbariumfonds Dr E. Kits van Waveren, Leiden, Netherlands) contributed substantially to the costs of sequencing and travelling expenses for M.E. Noordeloos. The work of B. Dima was partly supported by the ÚNKP- 20-4 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund. The work of L. Nagy was supported by the 'Momentum' program of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (contract No. LP2019- 13/2019 to L.G.N.). G.A. Kochkina and colleagues acknowledge N. Demidov for the background photograph, and N. Suzina for the SEM photomicrograph. The research of C.M. Visagie and W.J. Nel was supported by the National Research Foundation grant no 118924 and SFH170610239162. C. Gil-Durán acknowledges Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo, Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnología, Conocimiento e Innovación, Gobierno de Chile, for grant ANID – Fondecyt de Postdoctorado 2021 – N° 3210135. R. Chávez and G. Levicán thank DICYT-USACH and acknowledges the grants INACH RG_03-14 and INACH RT_31-16 from the Chilean Antarctic Institute, respectively. S. Tiwari and A. Baghela would like to acknowledge R. Avchar and K. Balasubramanian from the Agharkar Research Institute, Pune, Maharashtra for helping with the termite collection. S. Tiwari is also thankful to the University Grants Commission, Delhi (India) for a junior research fellowship (827/(CSIR-UGC NET DEC.2017)). R. Lebeuf and I. Saar thank D. and H. Spencer for collecting and photographing the holotype of C. bondii, and R. Smith for photographing the habitat. A. Voitk is thanked for helping with the colour plate and review of the manuscript, and the Foray Newfoundland and Labrador for providing the paratype material. I. Saar was supported by the Estonian Research Council (grant PRG1170) and the European Regional Development Fund (Centre of Excellence EcolChange). M.P.S. Câmara acknowledges the 'Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico – CNPq' for the research productivity fellowship, and financial support (Universal number 408724/2018-8). W.A.S. Vieira acknowledges the 'Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento Pessoal de Ensino Superior – CAPES' and the 'Programa Nacional de Pós-Doutorado/CAPES – PNPD/CAPES' for the postdoctoral fellowship. A.G.G. Amaral acknowledges CNPq, and A.F. Lima and I.G. Duarte acknowledge CAPES for the doctorate fellowships. F. Esteve-Raventós and colleagues were financially supported by FEDER/ Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades – Agencia Estatal de Investigación (Spain)/ Project CGL2017-86540-P. The authors would like to thank L. Hugot and N. Suberbielle (Conservatoire Botanique National de Corse, Office de l'Environnement de la Corse, Corti) for their help. The research of E. Larsson is supported by The Swedish Taxonomy Initiative, SLU Artdatabanken, Uppsala. Financial support was provided to R.J. Ferreira by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), and to I.G. Baseia, P.S.M. Lúcio and M.P. Martín by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) under CNPq-Universal 2016 (409960/2016-0) and CNPq-visiting researcher (407474/2013-7). J. Cabero and colleagues wish to acknowledge A. Rodríguez for his help to describe Genea zamorana, as well as H. Hernández for sharing information about the vegetation of the type locality. S. McMullan-Fisher and colleagues acknowledge K. Syme (assistance with illustrations), J. Kellermann (translations), M. Barrett (collection, images and sequences), T. Lohmeyer (collection and images) and N. Karunajeewa (for prompt accessioning). This research was supported through funding from Australian Biological Resources Study grant (TTC217-06) to the Royal Botanic Gardens Victoria. The research of M. Spetik and co-authors was supported by project No. CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0 /16_017/0002334. N. Wangsawat and colleagues were partially supported by NRCT and the Royal Golden Jubilee Ph.D. programme, grant number PHD/0218/2559. They are thankful to M. Kamsook for the photograph of the Phu Khiao Wildlife Sanctuary and P. Thamvithayakorn for phylogenetic illustrations. The study by N.T. Tran and colleagues was funded by Hort Innovation (Grant TU19000). They also thank the turf growers who supported their surveys and specimen collection. N. Matočec, I. Kušan, A. Pošta, Z. Tkalčec and A. Mešić thank the Croatian Science Foundation for their financial support under the project grant HRZZ-IP-2018-01-1736 (ForFungiDNA). A. Pošta thanks the Croatian Science Foundation for their support under the grant HRZZ-2018-09-7081. A. Morte is grateful to Fundación Séneca – Agencia de Ciencia y Tecnología de la Región de Murcia (20866/ PI/18) for financial support. The research of G. Akhmetova, G.M. Kovács, B. Dima and D.G. Knapp was supported by the National Research, Development and Innovation Office, Hungary (NKFIH KH-130401 and K-139026), the ELTE Thematic Excellence Program 2020 supported by the National Research, Development and Innovation Office (TKP2020-IKA-05) and the Stipendium Hungaricum Programme. The support of the János Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the Bolyai+ New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology to D.G. Knapp is highly appreciated. F.E. Guard and colleagues are grateful to the traditional owners, the Jirrbal and Warungu people, as well as L. and P. Hales, Reserve Managers, of the Yourka Bush Heritage Reserve. Their generosity, guidance, and the opportunity to explore the Bush Heritage Reserve on the Einasleigh Uplands in far north Queensland is greatly appreciated. The National Science Foundation (USA) provided funds (DBI#1828479) to the New York Botanical Garden for a scanning electron microscope used for imaging the spores. V. Papp was supported by the ÚNKP-21-5 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology from the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund of Hungary. A.N. Miller thanks the WM Keck Center at the University of Illinois Urbana – Champaign for sequencing Lasiosphaeria deviata. J. Pawłowska acknowledges support form National Science Centre, Poland (grant Opus 13 no 2017/25/B/NZ8/00473). The research of T.S. Bulgakov was carried out as part of the State Research Task of the Subtropical Scientific Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Theme No. 0492-2021- 0007). K. Bensch (Westerdijk Fungal Biodiversity Institute, Utrecht) is thanked for correcting the spelling of various Latin epithets. ; Peer reviewed

Bullying behaviour can have a negative impact on a child's physical and psychological health. Bullying in the classroom is a challenge for early-childhood educators. Preschool is the first place outside the home where children face social challenges when interacting with their classmates. Child-Friendly Class is the first step and part of the Children Friendly School (CSF) as a UNICEF program and an important Indonesian government policy to prevent the emergence of child bullying behaviour. This study aims to identify needs in the process of developing a Child-Friendly Classroom Management model to anticipate bullying behaviour. This research and development method uses an adaptation of the Rowntree model which includes three stages of the process and data collection techniques using interviews, questionnaires, and observation. The results of this study indicate that the preparation of an effective classroom management guidebook to create child-friendly classes needs to be followed up immediately. Several findings related to teachers' perceptions of classroom management, and child-friendly classes prove that child-friendly classes have not been implemented properly in PAUD institutions, with bullying behaviour still appearing in early childhood in PAUD institutions. PAUD teachers understand that it is important to implement classroom management but so far there has been no manual on how to manage effective classrooms as well as training related to the implementation of effective classroom management. The creation of child-friendly classes is believed to be able to help teachers suppress the emergence of bullying behaviour in early childhood. Keywords: Child-Friendly Classroom Management, Bullying Prevention, Early Childhood Education References: Allday, R. A., Hinkson-Lee, K., Hudson, T. M., Neilsen-Gatti, S., Kleinke, A., & Russel, C. S. (2012). Training General Educators to Increase Behavior-Specific Praise: Effects on Students with EBD. Behavioral Disorders, 37, 87–98. Alsaker, F. D., & Valkanover, S. (2012). The Bernese Program against Victimization in Kindergarten and Elementary School. New Directions for Youth Development, 2012(133), 15–28. https://doi.org/10.1002/yd.20004 Arseneault, L., Walsh, E., Trzesniewski, K., Newcombe, R., Caspi, A., & Moffitt, T. E. (2006). Bullying Victimization Uniquely Contributes to Adjustment Problems in Young Children: A Nationally Representative Cohort Study. PEDIATRICS, 118(1), 130–138. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2005-2388 Benedict, E., Horner, R. H., & Squires, J. (2007). Assessment and Implementation of Positive Behavior Support in Preschools. Topics in Early Childhood Special Education, 27, 174–192. Boz, Y. (2008). Turkish student teachers' concerns about teaching. 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(2011). An Examination of New Zealand Teachers' Attributions and Perceptions of Behaviour, Classroom Management, and the Level of Formal Teacher Training Received in Behaviour Management. King, E. (2020). Implications for the child friendly schools policy within Cambodia's cultural and primary school context. Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education, 48(4), 375–388. https://doi.org/10.1080/1359866X.2019.1645811 Kirves, L., & Sajaniemi, N. (2012). Bullying in early educational settings. Early Child Development and Care,182(3–4), 383–400. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430.2011.646724 MacSuga, A. S., & Simonsen, B. (2011). Increasing Teachers' Use of Evidence-Based Classroom Management Strategies through Consultation: Overview and Case Studies. Beyond Behavior, 20, 4–12. Maida, P. (2006). Child-Friendly-School-Manual. UNICEF. Modipane, M., & Themane, M. (2014). Teachers' social capital as a resource for curriculum development: Lessons learnt in the implementation of a Child-Friendly Schools programme. South African Journal of Education, 34(4), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.15700/201412052105 Monks, C. P., Smith, P. K., & Swettenham, J. (2005). Psychological correlates of peer victimisation in preschool: Social cognitive skills, executive function and attachment profiles. Aggressive Behavior, 31(6), 571–588. https://doi.org/10.1002/ab.20099 Olweus, D. (1994). Bullying at School: Basic Facts and Effects of a School Based Intervention Program. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 35(7), 1171–1190. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.1994.tb01229.x O'Neill, S. C., & Stephenson, J. (2011). Classroom behaviour management preparation in undergraduate primary teacher education in Australia: A web-based investigation. Australian Journal of Teacher Education, 36(10). https://doi.org/10.14221/ajte.2011v36n10.3 O'Neill, S., & Stephenson, J. (2012). Does classroom management coursework influence pre-service teachers' perceived preparedness or confidence? Teaching and Teacher Education, 28(8), 1131–1143. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2012.06.008 Osher, D., Kelly, D. L., Tolani-Brown, N., Shors, L., & Chen, C.-S. (2009). American Institutes for Research 1000 Thomas Jefferson Street , NW Washington, DC 20007-3835. 13. Perren, S., Stadelmann, S., & Von Klitzing, K. (2009). Child and family characteristics as risk factors for peer victimization in kindergarten. Swiss Journal of Educational Research, 36(1), 13–32. https://doi.org/10.24452/sjer.36.1.4806 Reinke, W. M., Lewis-Palmer, T., & Merrell, K. (2008). The Classroom Check-up: A Classwide Teacher Consultation Model for Increasing Praise and Decreasing Disruptive Behavior. School Psychology Review, 37(3), 315–332. PubMed. Repo, L., & Sajaniemi, N. (2015). Prevention of bullying in early educational settings: Pedagogical and organisational factors related to bullying. European Early Childhood Education Research Journal, 23(4), 461–475. https://doi.org/10.1080/1350293X.2015.1087150 Rigby, K. (2003). Consequences of Bullying in Schools. The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 48(9), 583–590. https://doi.org/10.1177/070674370304800904 Rowntree, D. (1994). Preparing Materials for Open, Distance and Flexible Learning: An Action Guide for Teachers and Trainers. Kogan Page. https://books.google.com.jm/books?id=6Tf1kH6MQZ0C Sainio, M., Veenstra, R., Huitsing, G., & Salmivalli, C. (2011). Victims and their defenders: A dyadic approach. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 35(2), 144–151. https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025410378068 Salmivalli, C. (2002). Is there an age decline in victimization by peers at school? Educational Research, 44(3), 269–277. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131880210135331 Saracho, O. (2016). Contemporary Perspectives on Research on Bullying and Victimization in Early Childhood Education. 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ARCH GEN PSYCHIATRY, 66(9), 9. Tauber, R. T. (2007). Classroom Management: Sound Theory and Effective Practice. Praeger Publishers. https://books.google.la/books?id=XiQFyR41kysC Ttofi, M. M., & Farrington, D. P. (2011). Effectiveness of school-based programs to reduce bullying: A systematic and meta-analytic review. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 7(1), 27–56. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11292-010-9109-1 Ttofi, M. M., & Farrington, D. P. (2012). Bullying prevention programs: The importance of peer intervention, disciplinary methods and age variations. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 8(4), 443–462. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11292-012-9161-0 Unal, Z., & Unal, A. (2012). The Impact of Years of Teaching Experience on the Classroom Management Approaches of Elementary School Teachers. International Journal of Instruction, 5, 41–60. UNICEF. (2007). Implementation Handbook for The Convention on The Rights of The Child (3th Edition). UNICEF. Vaillancourt, T., McDougall, P., Hymel, S., Krygsman, A., Miller, J., Stiver, K., & Davis, C. (2008). Bullying: Are researchers and children/youth talking about the same thing? International Journal of Behavioral Development, 32(6), 486–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025408095553 Vlachou, M., Andreou, E., Botsoglou, K., & Didaskalou, E. (2011). Bully/Victim Problems Among Preschool Children: A Review of Current Research Evidence. Educational Psychology Review, 23(3), 329–358. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-011-9153-z Vlachou, M., Botsoglou, K., & Andreou, E. (2014). Bullying/Victimization in Preschool Children. https://doi.org/10.13140/2.1.5086.1764 Vreeman, R. C., & Carroll, A. E. (2007). A systematic review of school-based interventions to prevent bullying. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 161 1, 78–88. Witvliet, M., Olthof, T., Hoeksma, J. B., Goossens, F. A., Smits, M. S. I., & Koot, H. M. (2010). Peer Group Affiliation of Children: The Role of Perceived Popularity, Likeability, and Behavioral Similarity in Bullying. Social Development, 19(2), 285–303. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9507.2009.00544.x Yaşar, M. (2017). Adaptation of General System Theory and Structural Family Therapy Approach to Classroom Management in Early Childhood Education* *. 32.

Con una población de 165 millones, una superficie de casi un millón de km2. y una significativa riqueza en hidrocarburos que la convierten en la primera economía regional, Nigeria lo tiene todo para convertirse en un proyecto de potencia a nivel incluso extra africano. No obstante, su pasado y su presente son excelentes ejemplos de cómo las fronteras religiosas y tribales –con diferencias alentadas por el interés económico extranjero- pueden truncar el desarrollo y futuro de un país. Esta es una breve y dolorosa reseña de dicha situación.1. Fronteras reales; fronteras impuestasA mediados del siglo XIX -(habiendo arribado las potencias occidentales a lugares tan lejanos y/u otrora inhóspitos como podrían ser las potencias asiáticas o las tan postergadas Nueva Zelanda y Australia)- el mundo del África subsahariana era aún un gran espacio desconocido a no ser por contactos comerciales puntuales, muchas veces relacionadas con el tráfico de esclavos a América. Son estas relaciones económicas vinculadas al esclavismo las que debemos apuntar en un primer momento, pues hubo, gracias a ellas, un cierto avance magrebí-bereber hacia el sur del Sahara, generando "puentes" sobre el gran desierto y consolidando una multiplicidad de reinos, asentamientos o comunidades de religión musulmana que si bien trascendieron el Sahara, ellas mismas nunca lograron sobrepasar nítidamente la cuenca del alto Níger. Y es que la consolidación de estos "estados" -(de alguna manera hay que llamarlos)- fue un proceso, por lo menos, trunco. Desde el sur, es decir, desde el golfo de Guinea y sus ríos, los europeos comenzaron a avanzar, principalmente los británicos desde la desembocadura del Níger. La cuestión para Albión, en un principio, era alimentar el comercio esclavista (generalmente con su socio portugués) ofrecido por los musulmanes, pero no mucho más. Sin embargo rápidamente el último impulso del "Descubrimiento" -(Stanley y Livingston son, en su epopeya, casi la versión literaria del proceso)- no permitiría más supervivencia de "Terra Incognita" algunay de "vacío espacial del poder" disponible. Muy pronto exploradores, científicos, comerciantes de otros rubros, pastores cristianos y de varios credos, comenzaron su propia –(y autónoma)- conquista del África Occidental. Como siempre ocurre en estas cuestiones que se parecen al Far West, fue un movimiento que prácticamente arrasó con todo aquello que no estuviese mínimamente capacitado para adecuarse a la explosión de la colonización.2. Geopolítica de escritorioBerlín, 1884. Ante la posibilidad de que el avance desorganizado de las potencias coloniales llevara a dramas mayores -(las escaramuzas entre distintas Compañías de colonización y Misiones religiosas, entre otras, ya eran comunes), las mismas se vieron reunidas, quizás no con particular entusiasmo, bajo la égida del Canciller Alemán Otto von Bismarck. A nadie habrá de sorprender que la intención de este destacado personaje era dividir al África cual si fuera un, a la vez, apetitoso y sencillo pastel. Sobra decir que el principio rector que se utilizó para delinear las fronteras del postre en cuestión no fue, en lo absoluto, el respeto de las culturas o de los espacios de los pueblos pre existentes. Es más, hubiese sido de una ingenuidad patética imaginar un Otto von Bismarck "politically correct". Los criterios no podían ser otros que una mezcla de capacidades de control territorial, parcial o total, acompañados sobre todo de la preocupación de no permitir el reforzamiento de las presencias de Francia o el Reino Unido, ya "demasiado presentes" en los alrededores. La originalidad consistió en invitar al balbuceante monarca belga al reparto para que cohonestase la irrupción de un neo-imperio colonial alemán cuya inexistencia envenenaba la vida de von Bismarck desde décadas atrás.Es de estas fronteras, válidas para el Derecho Internacional o para la economía, más allá de lo opinable de su modo de definición, pero arbitrarias y poco razonables a nivel de los nuevos súbditos, de donde nace, básicamente, la confusa problemática en la que, hoy en día, se encuentra el Estado nigeriano.La tragedia de las falsas fronteras en la futura Nigeriase vio claramente desde el momento que se le reconociera la soberanía de parte de dicho territorio (es decir, la cuenca del delta y del Bajo Níger) a los británicos. Éstos, que presionaron por ello, en realidad tardarían varios años en unificar lo que se les había dado en Berlín. Como era evidente, el problema estalló en cuanto hubo efectivo "contacto" con el Norte. Allí, el motor del tráfico esclavista, que había permitido subsistir con estrechez a los mencionados pseudo-estados musulmanes, estaba llegando a su fin. Condenado, casi urbi y orbi, el tráfico de esclavo se redujo estrictamente a escala regional y local, particularmente cuando el Reino Unido, en un sobresalto ético que llegó con trescientos años de atraso, lo condenó irremediablemente. Para colmo de males, este edificante final de la esclavitud dejó a aquellas entidades políticas, musulmanas de credo, pero británicas y portuguesas de vocación, sin su mayor fuente de ingresos. Londres optó por tratar a la Nigeria Septentrional como "una entidad a parte" durante largo tiempo y, para evitar conflictos mayores, otorgó una relativa autonomía a sus líderes religiosos del norte. Como contracara, el Sur, y especialmente el puerto de Lagos, recibió un trato más acorde a las prácticas coloniales de entonces, pasando del estatuto de simples "concesiones" a la Royal Niger Company, a la creación y establecimiento de dos verdaderos Protectorados (incluyendo el de Oriente) que fueron dominados políticamente por los europeos con la colaboración de una elite local, razonablemente occidentalizada. Después de la Gran Guerra se agregará otro Protectorado creado en base al ex Camerún alemán.3. Independencia y primeros problemas: la guerra de BiafraLas necesidades de una organización mínimamente descentralizada -(una federación por ejemplo)- fueron entendidas también por los nigerianos, y podemos decir que el independentismo tuvo dos vertientes: una austral, de elites económicas europeizadas y cristianas; y otra septentrional, ancestral y de raigambre musulmana. Es significativo, -(por no decir casi inconcebible)-entonces, que el país se haya independizado (1960-1963) como un solo Estado y no en dos, tres o más, aunque prevaleciera un modelo político federal y descentralizado que, en teoría, pudiera lidiar con las contradicciones regionales.Evidentemente esto no fue posible, y tras un golpe de Estado fallido por parte de la etnia de los Igbo, éstos comenzaron a ser masacrados principalmente en el Norte como represalia, forzando su repliegue a la región sureste de Biafra . De este desatino se intentó pasar a la declaración de una independencia basada en perspectivas petroleras y alentada por bizarras alianzas casi "contra-natura" (Londres y Moscú del lado unionista; París y Lisboa con el sector separatista). Tras una guerra violentísima (como lo serían tantas otras en el continente) y la perversa contradicción de una brutal hambruna de dimensiones inenarrables en una zona tan rica, se llegaría finalmente a un armisticio en 1970. Las heridas creadas, no obstante, no cicatrizarían.4. Más petróleo, más problemas: la guerra del Delta del NígerA la par del progresivo desarrollo de la extracción y refinamiento del petróleo (actividades realizadas básicamente por multinacionales como Shell o Chevron), la región del Delta del Níger (250 mil km2), en lugar de enriquecerse, presenció la destrucción de sus actividades económicas agrarias y pesqueras tradicionales de subsistencia.A pesar de la descentralización del Estado nigeriano, la Constitución aprobada en 1979 daba al gobierno central la capacidad de expropiar todo territorio rico en hidrocarburos: riqueza generada que, eventualmente, no regresaría a los pueblos que allí habitaban. El petróleo actuó como un elemento empobrecedor en la zona, mientras los dividendos de semejante actividad se dividían entre el gobierno federal y empresas extranjeras. Para hacernos una idea, según Amnistía Internacional, "El sector del gas y el petróleo representa el 97 por ciento de los ingresos de divisas de Nigeria y constituye el 79,5 por ciento de los ingresos del Estado". Los planes de desarrollo prometidos a los residentes del Delta jamás dieron resultado y la etnia local de los Ogoni fue la primera en luchar por esto, de forma pacífica primero y como levantamiento armado tras un significativo movimiento represivo desde el gobierno central a mediados de los 90s. Pronto los Ijaw, otra etnia local, se unirían al levantamiento armado, provocando la huida de cientos de trabajadores "no esenciales" de la Shell y dando impulso a un nuevo movimiento secesionista.5. La insurgencia islámicaComo hemos señalado, el norte nigeriano ha gozado desde tiempos de la colonia de una autonomía significativa, fruto de su pasado proto-estatal con una fuerte presencia islámica y principalmente suní. Esto ha tenido consecuencias importantes hasta nuestros días, cuando la Sharia se impone como principal fuente de Derecho en doce estados de la federación. El Islam es principalmente seguido por la etnia Hausa, si bien parte de los Yoruba también lo practica, constituyendo un 50% de la población total del país. La conflictividad resultante, por lo tanto, no descansa ya sobre viejos conflictos tribales o locales, sino que se trata de enfrentamientos esencialmente religiosos, principalmente derivados de la progresiva expansión del Islam en los estados del norte y en la radicalización de su población ante dicho proceso.Disturbios y masacres comenzaron a reiterarse. Lo acaecido en Jos en 2001 es un hito en el enfrentamiento religioso en cuestión. Pero existen múltiples ejemplos: miles de muertos, la destrucción de decenas de mezquitas e iglesias, etc. Otro paso en la escalada de violencia fue la elección en Nigeria de Miss Mundo en 2002.Pululan los conflictos en esta guerra no declarada e incluso tolerada por parte de las autoridades centrales. No obstante, el problema tomaría otra dimensión con la globalización del movimiento muyahidín y la creación del grupo terrorista Boko Haram (2002), que en idioma Hausa podría traducirse con el edificante slogan de "La Educación Occidental es un Pecado".La violencia generada por Boko Haram -de aparentes lazos con Al Qaeda- no es esporádica ni responde a estímulos puntuales, sino que su meta es la creación de un nuevo Estado islámico a través del enfrentamiento directo contra Abuya y los musulmanes moderados. Lejos de haber sido vencido en la década pasada, las actividades terroristas del grupo parecen multiplicarse año tras año, e incluyen ataques terroristas contra iglesias, cristianos, autoridades gubernamentales, extranjeros y clérigos contrarios. El último mes ha sido particularmente virulento y las víctimas fatales superan las quinientas en treinta días.6. Reflexiones finalesEn el proceso descolonizador, presuntamente Nigeria tenía todo el potencial para transformarse en un Estado ejemplo para el África subsahariana. El resultado ha sido precisamente lo contrario y el supuesto régimen federal no ha servido para encapsular las diversidades étnicas y religiosas o las contradicciones de no saber convertir sus riquezas naturales en prosperidad material para su población. La impunidad con la que actúan los muyahidines y el siempre latente conflicto en el Delta del Níger son solo parte de las consecuencias de ello. Tal vez lleguemos a ver algún día a Nigeria como una nueva Sudáfrica en términos de desarrollo humano, pero los presentes acontecimientos hacen ver esa meta como lejana e incluso utópica.Marcos Rodríguez Schiavone es estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios InternacionalesFACS-ORT-Uruguay

"Cosas veredes, amigo Sancho, que farán fablar las piedras".Apócrifo de El Quijote. En nuestro pasado artículo hacíamos referencia a un fenómeno específico que vive la España de hoy en día: la crisis de legitimidad del gobernante Partido Popular (PP) derivada de la progresiva revelación de una trama de corrupción y clientelismo aparentemente ligada con Mariano Rajoy y casi toda la cúpula del partido. Esta situación agrava y se ve agravada por circunstancias económicas, sociales y políticas para nada felices que vive en la actualidad la Madre Patria. Reseñaremos brevemente a continuación el contexto actual del país europeo, todo un ejemplo de que los males nunca vienen solos. Las mentiras piadosasEn el segundo mandato de José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE), España entró en un derrumbe económico monumental derivado de dos elementos. En primer lugar, el "estallido" de la "burbuja inmobiliaria", fruto de una política pública que comenzara con el aznarismo y que estimulaba la construcción desaforada de inmuebles, su sobrevaluación y la especulación bancaria en dicho terreno. En segundo lugar, la crisis de deuda soberana, común a otros países de la Unión Europea (los ya famosos PIGS) y acentuada por un pasmoso despilfarro en los presupuestos gubernamentales.Evidentemente todo esto se convirtió en un golpe casi letal para el bolsillo de la sociedad, lo que supondría una histórica victoria del PP en las siguientes elecciones (2011). Y es que no sólo se percibía que Zapatero había arruinado a España; también Mariano Rajoy hizo promesas que, a posteriori, se convertirían en mentiras. "Ayudaremos al español de la calle, no a los bancos". "Bajaremos el IVA". "Volveremos a la prosperidad de cuando gobernábamos".El español medio pensaba que su situación iba a mejorar con el nuevo gobierno. Pronto descubriría que más bien sería lo contrario. La ortodoxia económica no es grata con el pueblo llano en semejantes circunstancias y la reducción radical del gasto público se convirtió en el paradigma económico del gobierno. ¿Salud pública? Recortar. ¿Educación? Recortar. ¿Ayudas sociales? Recortar.Por supuesto el IVA no se tocó en lo más mínimo y de hecho se incluyeron más impuestos o más tarifas. Quienes sí recibirían una gran ayuda estatal serían los bancos privados, en una serie de megamillonarios "rescates" que les dieran oxígeno por un par de semanas.Mirándolo en retrospectiva, uno no puede más que preguntarse el porqué de tantas promesas que –se sabía- no podrían cumplirse. Sobre todo teniendo la victoria electoral "servida en bandeja": no había necesidad. Una oposición inútilAnte un gobierno impopular en sus medidas y salpicado por escándalos de corrupción, lo lógico sería ver un repunte del PSOE en las encuestas. No es el caso. Los socialistas tienen un triple problema. Primero, el recuerdo latente de la administración Zapatero, donde al fin y al cabo comenzó la crisis. Segundo, el liderazgo de una persona astuta (Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba) pero que supone, en lugar de una renovación, más de lo mismo. Tercero, por los propios escándalos de corrupción provenientes sobre todo de Andalucía, último bastión del partido.Para decirlo en pocas palabras: probablemente para el español medio el PP y el PSOE simplemente son "lo mismo". Cierto que tuvieron sus diferencias en el tema de derechos posmodernos como el matrimonio igualitario o el aborto, pero ya habiendo sido "procesados" dichos asuntos, no es que haya demasiadas razones para pensar que un Rubalcaba hubiese actuado distinto a Rajoy en caso de haber ganado.Todo esto probablemente beneficiará a los dos pequeños partidos de nivel "nacional": Unión Progreso y Democracia (UPyD), socioliberal y unionista, liderado por la ex socialista vasca Rosa Díez (y aupado por pensadores de la talla de Vargas Llosa) y con una buen plantilla de outsiders políticos; y por supuesto Izquierda Unida (IU), rejunte del Partido Comunista original con otros partidos de izquierda o ecologistas. La cuestión catalanaEl derrumbe político de los socialistas tuvo también repercusiones en Cataluña. La sucursal regional del PSOE, primordialmente federalista, funcionaba como una válvula de escape para buena parte de las ansias separatistas. Ahora, con un gobierno en coalición de independentistas de derecha (Convergencia i Unió, CiU) y de izquierda (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, ERC), el nacionalismo catalán ha tomado nuevas fuerzas.Se habla mucho de que la Generalitat convocará a un plebiscito al respecto, por más que la Constitución española no contemple semejante cosa. No obstante, el separatismo cuenta con tres escollos. Primero, la situación económica: la Comunidad Autónoma no es, por supuesto, indemne a la misma y cuando puede procura hacerse con alguna de las ayudas que el gobierno central puede enviar de vez en cuando. Segundo, la Unión Europea: los independentistas catalanes no quieren seguir siendo españoles pero definitivamente desean permanecer como buenos ciudadanos europeos, lo que eventualmente enfrentaría el veto de La Moncloa y otros gobiernos. Tercero, que no está lo suficientemente claro que la mayoría de los catalanes pretendan una ruptura definitiva con Madrid (de hecho podría decirse que la intención de voto independentista se encuentra entre el 40% y el 50%). En otras palabras, se resolvería un problema para crear otro (el nacimiento de un movimiento re unionista). Podríamos también recurrir a la historia de otros movimientos independentistas o pseudo independentistas (Quebec, Australia) que nos muestran que el voto rupturista suele ser sensiblemente menor al esperado a priori.No sería entonces disparatado dar por muy improbable la independencia catalana a un corto plazo. Y ello para tranquilidad del ejército, desde el cual ya varios militares se ofrecieron a "hacer cumplir la Constitución" en caso de que los políticos no supieran "lidiar" con el asunto. Manchas para el juancarlismo.Es algo común en España. Cuando se pregunta a un ciudadano si es monárquico o republicano, puede que retruque con un "soy juancarlista". En otros términos, la monarquía no goza de una popularidad derivada de la institución en sí, sino del actual titular de la misma, Juan Carlos I. Impulsor de la democracia desde el primer momento (o mejor dicho, desde el momento que muriera Franco), sus credenciales al respecto se enriquecieron con su condena al intento de golpe de estado del 23 de febrero de 1981. Sirvió además, como una figura de encuentro donde la gran mayoría de los españoles podían sentirse identificados y -por qué no- consolados.Lamentablemente el juancarlismo está siendo amenazado por un escándalo de –como para variar- corrupción al más alto nivel. Y es que todo apunta a que Iñaki Undangarin, yerno del rey y esposo de la Infanta Cristina, es el cabecilla de una red de desvío de fondos públicos y lavado dinero a través de diversas fundaciones.Tal vez lo más importante del caso es que el mismo supuso una ruptura: tratar a la familia real y al rey no en buenos términos ya no sería un tabú. La prensa rosa, es decir, los programas de chimentos (sólo segundos a la actualidad deportiva en términos de popularidad), comenzaron a sostener hipótesis tan escandalosas como la existencia de posibles amantes de Juan Carlos. Y es así que según el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS), la monarquía estaría recibiendo la peor "nota" de su historia: un 3,68 sobre 10, bastante lejos del "aprobado". Habrá que ver si cuando se dé la sucesión si los juancarlistas se transformarían en felipistas de una manera tan fácil. La prensa rebelde"Que no vivas tiempos interesantes" reza el proverbio chino. Esto es aplicable para todos con excepción de la prensa escrita, que, como ya adelantábamos, ha redescubierto su vocación de poder fáctico. La corrupción generalizada y la crisis económica da mucho para escribir (y lo más importante, investigar).Lo curioso es que esta posición está siendo principalmente asumida no por los medios afines a la izquierda, sino por el diario derechista más importante. Nos referimos a El Mundo y su director, Pedro J. Ramírez. No contento con haber sido el principal responsable de la caída de popularidad de Felipe González hace casi dos décadas (caso GAL), Ramírez parece estar empecinado en derribar a Mariano Rajoy, habiéndose convertido en una suerte de confesor de Luis Bárcenas. Algunos titulares de El Mundo en julio: "Cinco horas con Bárcenas"; "Los SMS secretos entre Rajoy y Bárcenas", "Los papeles de Bárcenas muestran sobresueldos a Rajoy" y sobre todo esta maravilla que parece salida de una cuarta parte de El Padrino: "Si hablas tu mujer irá a prisión; si callas, caerá Gallardón y se anulará el proceso" (¡!).La posición de El Mundo ha supuesto un cisma en la prensa conservadora. Por un lado La Gaceta apoya "el acoso y derribo", mientras que el ABC y La Razón se aferran a la versión oficial de que Bárcenas no es más que un chantajista que por casualidad estuvo veinte años dirigiendo las cuentas del partido y que no hay que pensar demasiado en ello. Las amistades particularesYa dijimos que la oposición no tiene herramientas ni legitimidad alguna para exigir la renuncia de Rajoy. En cambio, los medios parecen gozar de ambas cualidades. En ese caso… ¿quién suplantaría a Rajoy? En lo personal yo diría que hay cuatro candidatos, ninguno de ellos salpicado hasta ahora por el Caso Bárcenas:-Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría. Actual vicepresidenta del gobierno, lo que pierde en su defensa incondicional de Rajoy, lo gana en juventud y tesón. Sería una suerte de continuismo, por lo que no veríamos, por ejemplo, cambios en el gabinete.-Esperanza Aguirre. Ex presidenta de la Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid, Aguirre supone la derecha dentro de la derecha del PP. Es la única política que ha "sugerido" que se investigue a fondo la supuesta trama de corrupción, además de guardar una buena relación con Ramírez, el azote de Rajoy. Si hemos de creer a ciertos medios menores, Aguirre habría sido quien arreglara los encuentros entre el periodista y Bárcenas. Probablemente constituya la alternativa más satisfactoria para los mercados.-José María Aznar. Ex presidente del gobierno, un español podría decir perfectamente que con Aznar al menos "se vivía mejor", por lo que su candidatura no sería tan descabellada.-Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón, ex alcalde de Madrid y actual Ministro de Justicia. Encarna el ala más moderada del PP, en caso de que el partido quiera dar un giro ideológico más hacia la izquierda. Es también, por ello, el que menos posibilidades tiene.--En todo caso, suceda quien suceda a Rajoy (reitero: si es que éste se retira), se encontrará con una España –hemos visto- multi problemática: la presidencia en tales circunstancias es un cargo que uno no le desearía ni a su peor enemigo (no sorprende entonces que el PSOE no se apure demasiado en escoger a un verdadero nuevo líder). El contexto ya no sólo exige una pronta recuperación económica (una tarea de por sí difícil), sino también una reconstrucción completa de la legitimidad de las instituciones. Sobre el autorEstudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales. FACS-ORT-Uruguay

¿Tiene sentido discutir sobre la conveniencia de un sistema parlamentario en lugar de un sistema presidencialista cuando el Estado de Derecho es débil? Dado que hay sistemas presidencialistas que funcionan y sistemas parlamentarios que no (y viceversa), ¿No deviene una discusión irrelevante allí donde hay un Estado de Derecho débil y una discusión secundaria (aunque relevante) allí donde funcionan las instituciones?La democracia argentina contemporánea es de baja calidad. Sin embargo, es incorrecto sostener que parte principal de la responsabilidad radica en un sistema presidencialista que ha devenido hiper-presidencialista. La discusión sobre el presidencialismo versus el parlamentarismo refleja en parte la falta de comprensión de importantes dirigentes (como por ejemplo el ministro de la Corte Suprema de Justicia, Eugenio Zaffaroni) sobre las prioridades en la delicada realidad institucional de la Argentina (1). La discusión sobre la conveniencia de un sistema parlamentario sobre un sistema presidencialista no solo no tiene sentido en semejante estado de debilidad institucional que vive hoy Argentina, sino que se contradice con dos ejemplos mas representativos (por la posibilidad de intentar una comparación valida), como las experiencias democráticas de Uruguay (desde 1985) y Chile (desde 1990).La comparación no solo es notable en tanto ambos vecinos poseen un sistema presidencialista estable. Mas aún, Chile y Uruguay han tenido gobiernos de coalición desde 1990 en adelante. La Concertación que ha gobernado Chile por cuatro períodos consecutivos (1990-2010) era una alianza entre democristianos, socialistas, el Partido por la Democracia (creado por Ricardo Lagos en 1989) y radicales. Esa experiencia chilena ha demostrado que no es imprescindible un sistema parlamentario para articular alianzas. Por el contrario, la estabilidad y consolidación de la democracia chilena se ha basado en un sistema presidencialista donde funcionaron los consensos (2).La experiencia de gobiernos de coalición en Uruguay es, en un punto, incluso mas relevante. La administración del Partido Nacional o Blanco entre 1990-95 (liderada por Luis Lacalle) co-gobernó con los Colorados, la segunda administración Colorada (segundo período de gobierno de Julio María Sanguinetti) entre 1995-2000 co-gobernó con los Blancos y la administración Colorada liderada por Jorge Batlle (2000-2005) co-gobernó con los Blancos. Podemos llamarlo co-gobierno dado que hubo ministros Colorados en el gobierno Blanco y ministros Blancos en los gobiernos Colorados. En la actualidad (2010-2015), gobierna la segunda administración consecutiva del Frente Amplio. El Frente supone una coalición compleja y variada entre socialistas, comunistas, socialdemócratas, ex-blancos, ex-colorados y otros independientes.En este marco, es posible destacar que aquellos que propician el sistema parlamentario para Argentina descansan sobre una falsa premisa. Así, el argumento de algunos analistas sería el siguiente: "Hay mayormente un acuerdo en la ciencia política contemporánea que sostiene que los sistemas parlamentarios generan mas incentivos para la búsqueda y formación de consensos que los sistemas presidencialistas. Argentina tiene un sistema presidencialista y ha sido incapaz de alcanzar mínimos consensos entre las principales fuerzas políticas. Luego", continuaría el razonamiento, "se sigue que para Argentina es necesario intentar implementar un sistema parlamentario". El razonamiento es falaz: si bien la literatura marca que los sistemas parlamentarios procesan en general mejor las crisis que los sistemas presidencialistas (articulando nuevos consensos sin generar situaciones traumáticas), no se sigue que la ausencia de consensos en Argentina se deba a la imposibilidad de generarlos que demuestra tener el hiper-presidencialismo. Es posible que la ausencia de consensos básicos entre la dirigencia argentina se encuentre exacerbada por el hiper-presidencialismo, pero no ha sido causada por éste. Luego, no se sigue que la mera implementación del parlamentarismo genere los incentivos para buscar y alcanzar consensos o, en caso contrario, contribuya a construir nuevas coaliciones en forma no traumática.Es necesario remarcar la falacia del razonamiento: Se sostiene que 1) el sistema parlamentario ha demostrado ser mejor que el presidencialista (asumamos por un momento que es así); 2) Argentina posee un sistema hiper-presidencialista; 3) la dirigencia política argentina ha sido incapaz en 28 años de democracia de alcanzar consensos básicos; 4) luego, "es necesario ir hacia un sistema parlamentario". Asumiendo como válidas las 3 primeras premisas (la 2 y 3 son obviamente ciertas), no se sigue el paso 4 como conclusión. ¿Dónde radica el non-sequitur? En asumir que la ausencia de consensos en la dirigencia argentina se debe al sistema de gobierno y no a la baja calidad cívica de los partidos (principalmente el peronismo) y de los electores. Si bien es cierto que el hiper-presidencialismo ha exacerbado el problema, no es cierto que el parlamentarismo, per se, vaya a moderarlo. Por el contrario, el parlamentarismo generará distintos incentivos que exacerbarán, en una nueva versión, la baja calidad republicana que poseen los ciudadanos y dirigentes argentinos.El contra-ejemplo chileno y uruguayo es relevante. Es posible sostener que un sistema parlamentario funcionaría bien en estos dos países. A si mismo, es posible pensar que ambos sistemas de gobierno funcionarían mal en Argentina. La discusión sobre la conveniencia de un sistema parlamentario pone el carro delante del caballo.Aún así, como mencionamos, actores relevantes de la dirigencia argentina han remarcado que parte de la inestabilidad crónica que ha mostrado la democracia es la existencia de un hiper-presidencialismo. Éste hace que cuando el gobierno posee alta aceptación en la opinión pública, el Presidente aspire siempre a abusar de su poder y que, por el contrario, cuando el Presidente decae en la consideración popular (como le sucedió a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner después de la implementación de la resolución 125 que elevaba los impuestos a las exportaciones agrícolas, el 11 de marzo de 2008), empiece a ponerse en duda no solo su capacidad para gobernar sino incluso su capacidad para terminar su mandato constitucional. Ante ello, se propone como solución la posibilidad de un sistema parlamentario, argumentando que éste tiene la capacidad de moderar los "ciclos políticos", es decir, controlando mejor al primer ministro en épocas de bonanza y sosteniéndolo o removiéndolo en épocas críticas, evitando situaciones traumáticas.Sin embargo, argumentar que el problema de la inestabilidad política en Argentina es la existencia de un sistema hiper-presidencialista es poner el carro delante del caballo. Argentina es políticamente inestable porque hay ausencia de Estado de Derecho. Es decir, hay desprecio por la ley tanto entre la dirigencia como a lo largo de amplios sectores sociales, sean éstos de clase media, alta o baja. Cuando, como sostenía el jurista Carlos Nino, se vive en un país al margen de la ley la vigencia de un sistema presidencialista o parlamentario es irrelevante. Así, nos encontramos con sistemas presidencialistas que funcionan con estabilidad y alta calidad institucional, como EE.UU., Chile, Costa Rica o Uruguay, y sistemas parlamentarios con baja calidad institucional, como Jamaica, India, Bangladesh, Sudáfrica, Bostwana. Por su parte, nos encontramos con sistemas presidencialistas con baja calidad institucional, como Honduras, México, Paraguay o Venezuela, y sistemas parlamentarios con alta calidad institucional, como Canadá, Australia, Inglaterra, Alemania, Suecia, Noruega.En este sentido, podemos recurrir ahora el ejemplo italiano. La comparación nos ayudaría a comprender que es necesario poner los caballos del Estado de Derecho por delante del carro del sistema de gobierno y, eventualmente en el mediano plazo, discutir si, en una República donde tanto los dirigentes como la sociedad civil respetan las normas, es preferible un sistema presidencialista o parlamentario. Si bien en la actualidad (noviembre de 2011) Italia enfrenta una profunda crisis política y económica, su sistema parlamentario ha sido en el pasado un ejemplo mencionado por los analistas. En realidad, es exactamente lo opuesto a un buen sistema de gobierno. El milagro italiano de posguerra ha sucedido a pesar de la continua caída de gobiernos. La economía italiana ha prosperado (al menos, hasta principios del siglo XXI) a pesar de la endémica inestabilidad y corrupción del sistema político. Si es que el ejemplo hacia el parlamentarismo es Italia, Argentina no solo seguirá siendo un país inestable y corrupto sino hiper inestable e hiper corrupto.La lista de ejemplos sería larga pero el punto principal es uno solo: donde no se ha podido establecer un contrato social y moral aceptado por la gran mayoría de dirigentes y ciudadanos, la discusión sobre la conveniencia de un sistema presidencial o parlamentario es irrelevante ya que ambos fracasarán. En cambio, allí donde impera el Estado de Derecho la discusión sobre el sistema de gobierno es secundaria pero relevante, ya que podría ayudar a mejorar la calidad de la democracia.Paso seguido, lo relevante aquí es marcar que el parlamentarismo puede ser, ceteris paribus, un mejor sistema de gobierno que el presidencialismo pero que ello es irrelevante en un marco donde la economía política de un país no ha resuelto cuestiones anteriores como la mayor o menor fortaleza del Estado de Derecho. Es decir, la vigencia del Estado de Derecho hace a cualquier de los dos sistemas funcionar y su ausencia contribuye al fracaso de ambos. Es posible pensar que el parlamentarismo ha contribuido a una mayor estabilidad en la ya estable Noruega, pero no es posible pensar que el parlamentarismo generaría estabilidad en la inestable y opaca Honduras o en la inestable y opaca Argentina.Por su parte, para analizar el funcionamiento de un sistema presidencialista eficiente no es necesario recurrir a los EE.UU. En cambio, podemos ver que Uruguay y Chile son sistemas presidencialistas donde no ha habido, desde el retorno democrático en 1985 y 1990 respectivamente, inestabilidad política y caída de gobiernos. Por el contrario, dado que en ambos vecinos impera el Estado de Derecho, las crisis políticas (como en Uruguay en el 2002) y económicas (como en chile en 1998 o Uruguay en el 2002) no ha sido aprovechadas por la oposición para intentar debilitar al Presidente sino para dialogar y construir consensos.(1) La mayoría de los especialistas coincide en que el parlamentarismo es un mejor sistema de gobierno. Por ejemplo, ver la opinión del Profesor de Derecho Martin Bohmer en http://www.lanacion.com.ar/913796-parlamentarismo-vs-presidencialismo-cual-es-el-mejor-modelo-para-la-argentina. Por su parte, el profesor Sergio Berenztein lleva a cabo un argumento que, sin embargo, puede refutarse en la experiencia chilena: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/36675-presidencialismo-y-gobierno-de-coalicion. Ver la presentación de Berenztein en el Congreso de la Asociación Cristiana de Dirigentes de Empresa (ACDE) en http://www.encuentroanualacde.com.ar/videos.html.(2) En la actualidad (2010-2014) gobierna una coalición encabezada por una expresión de centro-derecha (Renovación Nacional) y otra expresión de derecha dura (UDI). Por otra parte, la experiencia chilena es relevante porque ha introducido los procesos de renovación y moderación como variables centrales para entender por qué algunas democracias prosperan y otras no. El largo proceso de renovación y moderación de la izquierda chilena nos ayuda a comprender cuan extemporáneo es el debate presidencialismo-parlamentarismo cuando se trata de entender por qué una democracia posee alta calidad y otra no. *Profesor Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.

La democracia liberal ha enfrentado 3 etapas definidas en apenas 50 años. La primera etapa se consolida en las décadas del 50´ y 60 y tuvo su proceso final en los 80´. Supuso el fin del comunismo como alternativa posible. La breve segunda etapa comienza en 1989 después de la implosión soviética y encuentra un punto de quiebre el 11 de septiembre de 2001. La posterior guerra en Irak refleja el límite del proyecto en marcha. Ese proyecto ha sido el intento de EE.UU. de exportar la democracia liberal como valor universal. La tercera etapa acaba de comenzar. Expresa y consolida los límites del liberalismo. Sin embargo, la pregunta central es si reconocer la existencia de límites supone un fracaso o, en cambio, una oportunidad. Primero nos preguntaremos por qué sería un fracaso. Luego nos preguntaremos por qué sería una oportunidad.¿Por qué la imposibilidad de pensar la democracia liberal como valor universal sería (solamente) un fracaso? Porque, siguiendo a John Gray, una parte esencial del liberalismo consiste en definir la existencia de derechos individuales a-temporales. Paso seguido, si se demostrara la imposibilidad de esa a-temporalidad, luego, esa concepción filosófica política no podría ser local. Es decir, o sería universal o no sería nada. En esta lógica, el liberalismo como expresión solamente local devendría una contradicción u oxímoron. Si bien Gray ha desarrollado esta posición en su última etapa analítica, anteriormente había desarrollado mas convincentemente una alternativa. Las dos caras del liberalismo estarían expresadas en dos filosofías opuestas: la tolerancia como medio o la tolerancia como valor en sí mismo. En palabras de Gray: "El Estado liberal se originó en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi. Los regímenes liberales contemporáneos son floraciones tardías de un proyecto de tolerancia que se inició en Europa en el siglo XVI. La tarea que heredamos consiste en reacondicionar la tolerancia liberal para que pueda guiarnos en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi en un mundo más plural. La tolerancia liberal ha contribuido inconmensurablemente al bienestar humano. No estando en parte alguna tan profundamente arraigada como para darla por descontada, es un logro cuyo valor no podría ser más alto. No podemos prescindir de ese ideal tardomoderno, pero tampoco puede ser nuestra guía en las circunstancias tardomodernas actuales porque el ideal de tolerancia que hemos heredado encarna dos filosofías incompatibles. Vista desde un ángulo, la tolerancia liberal es el ideal de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible. Desde el otro, es la creencia en que los seres humanos pueden florecer en muchas formas de vida. Si el liberalismo tiene un futuro, este reside en el abandono de la búsqueda de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible…" (1)El liberalismo y sus límites como programa de investigación supuso para Gray dos etapas diferenciadas. Por un lado, la crítica a la pretensión liberal-iluminista de poseer una filosofía política con valor universal y su posterior re-significación local. Sin embargo, la segunda etapa supuso el intento de desarrollar un programa de investigación que revelara no sólo la imposibilidad del liberalismo como valor local sino, mas aún, lo positivo de ese fracaso definitivo (tanto local como universal). Mientras la primera etapa de la crítica de Gray al liberalismo era rigurosa y necesaria, la segunda etapa ha carecido de la rigurosidad de la primera y, consecuentemente, ha devenido polémica por lo dogmática (2).¿Cómo podría explicarse este derrotero intelectual y analítico? En parte, por el papel histórico que, para Gray, ha tenido el iluminismo en la construcción de la idea de Occidente. Occidente, el liberalismo y la democracia liberal han expresado contemporáneamente "buenos" valores. Sin embargo, el racionalismo iluminista ha generado tragedias que han devenido inconmensurables (3). Es decir, la magnitud de las modernas tragedias, consecuencias tardías del iluminismo, han hecho moralmente imposibles la posibilidad de sopesar los "éxitos y fracasos" del mencionado proyecto iluminista. Para Gray, el liberalismo como proyecto universal es hijo moral del iluminismo europeo y, por ende, es en parte responsable de la tragedia (moral) de la Europa contemporánea. Es secundario que esta tragedia haya sido expresada por el fascismo y el comunismo, dos corrientes políticas en las antípodas del liberalismo. Mas aún, para Gray sería importante pero secundario que ambos totalitarismos hayan sido derrotados por la tácita colaboración inter-temporal de democracias liberales.En segundo lugar, nos preguntamos: ¿Por qué la imposibilidad del liberalismo como proyecto universal sería una oportunidad? Porque generaría los incentivos para pensar las bondades analíticas y políticas de distintos desarrollos locales. Si el liberalismo es uno entre otros (entre tantos) modus vivendi, la real dimensión de su valor local lo dará la capacidad de esas expresiones de prosperar. Desde otro ángulo, podemos intentar responder la misma pregunta: la imposibilidad de realizar la aspiración universal no refleja los limites del liberalismo sino del iluminismo. En la misma lógica, podemos pensar que la imposibilidad de concretar la aspiración universal ayudará al liberalismo a percatarse que algunas particularidades locales tienen manifestaciones regionales inéditas en la historia moderna. El proyecto europeo es una de ellas. Por el momento, es la mas sofisticada expresión política de las virtudes humanas. La necesaria mención de las carencias y miserias que también posee el proyecto europeo probablemente lo haga, en parte, aún mas humano. El proyecto europeo y la idea de Europa se han convertido en un desafío analítico relevante para la filosofía grayeana: siguiendo su propia lógica, el liberalismo no solo demuestra tener vida local después de su muerte universal sino que, mas aún, se encamina, con avances y retrocesos, a consolidar una forma de buena vida regional.La democracia liberal versus los Estados Unidos de NorteaméricaLa democracia liberal ha tenido refugio político y analítico en aquello que denominamos Occidente. Mas particularmente, Europa, Norteamérica (EE.UU. y Canadá), Japón, Australia y Nueva Zelanda. El Primus inter pares ha sido EE.UU. Sin embargo, la democracia liberal como noble tradición filosófica-política ha encontrado un adversario en la calidad de las instituciones contemporáneas de los EE.UU.Como ejemplos relevantes, podemos mencionar la ley patriótica o "Patriotic Act" (4), las violaciones a los derechos humanos en Guantánamo, los abusos en la cárcel iraquí de Abu Ghraih y el discurso xenófobo y provinciano del ala conservadora del Partido Republicano. El movimiento populista Tea Party ha sido la principal innovación político partidaria en la etapa posterior al 11 de septiembre de 2001. Después del triunfo de Barack Obama en noviembre de 2008, el Tea Party se ha consolidado como una opción de la coalición conservadora para, tanto desde dentro como desde fuera del Partido Republicano, influir en la dinámica del debate público. Particularmente, el movimiento ha sido exitoso en las elecciones de medio término en 2010, donde sus candidatos alcanzaron 60 escaños de un total de 435 (5). Dado que los republicanos han logrado la mayoría en la Cámara de Representantes, estos 60 votos son decisivos en las negociaciones. Ello se ha reflejado en el duro debate de julio y agosto de 2011, donde se alcanzó con mucha dificultad un acuerdo para elevar el tope de la deuda pública.Independientemente de la coyuntura, es posible sostener que la calidad del debate en la democracia mas antigua del mundo continuará empobreciéndose. Para ello, influyen principalmente dos problemas estructurales: la captura que los grupos de interés han realizado del proceso económico y la creciente captura que los sectores radicales han realizado del proceso político.Si esta dinámica es correcta y estable, la democracia liberal se enfrenta a la necesidad ética y política de redefinir el papel y significado que en el "Liberal Project" ha poseído y posee la inédita experiencia americana. Si la democracia liberal pudiera ser analíticamente asociada mas a la idea de Europa que a la realidad americana, podría recuperar parte del prestigio perdido en el irresponsable proyecto del siglo americano pensado por la administración Bush (2001-2009) (6), en el cual la aventura en Irak ha sido la expresión mas cabal.La difícil realidad política y moral que enfrenta EE.UU. es una buena oportunidad para el liberalismo: esta noble tradición de pensamiento no tiene una obligación analítica de hacerse cargo de la incapacidad de uno de sus modus vivendi. Si bien puede haber sido, en el pasado cercano, un modus vivendi particularmente relevante para el liberalismo contemporáneo, ha dejado de tener un valor analítico sustancial. Esto se explica por dos motivos: por un lado, en el camino de lo universal a lo local, la experiencia americana ha perdido preponderancia en tanto una de sus principales virtudes era, precisamente, informar al resto del mundo de las supuestas bondades únicas de una forma de vida particular. Por otro lado, una vez asumida la incapacidad de transformarse en una filosofía universal, la forma de vida local que ofrece América ha reflejado y refleja, sorprendentemente, demasiadas carencias.EE.UU. ha dejado de expresar una aspiración universal. Una sorpresiva secuela de ello ha sido que su forma de vida local ha devenido también poco atractiva. Ello es una mala noticia para esa experiencia particular pero no necesariamente debe serlo para el liberalismo.(1) Gray, John (2001): "Las dos caras del liberalismo. Una nueva interpretación de la tolerancia liberal". Paidos. Buenos Aires-Argentina. Pagina 11. La obra de Gray es profusa y original. En esta particular línea de investigación podemos citar "Post-liberalism. Studies in political thought", London: Routledge, 1993; "Liberalisms. Essays in political philosophy", London: Routledge, 1989; "Straw dogs. Thoughts on humans and other animals", New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007; "Liberalism", Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1995. Second edition; "Endgames. Questions in late modern political thought", Cambridge: Polity, 1997. Una representativa selección de trabajos es "Gray's anatomy. Selected writings", London: Penguin, 2010. Anteriormente, Gray había publicado biografías filosóficas sobre el pensamiento de Mill, Hayek y Berlin. (2) Esta última versión, menos rigurosa, puede encontrarse en algunos trabajos del citado "Gray´s Anatomy. Selected Writings" y contraponerse a antiguos artículos publicados en la misma compilación.(3) La Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy realiza una excelente introducción al inconmensurable pensamiento de Isaiah Berlin, una de las principales influencias intelectuales de Gray. Verhttp://plato.stanford.edu/entries/berlin/(4) El Departamento de Justicia ofrece información relevante sobre la ley. Allí sostiene que"Congress enacted the Patriot Act by overwhelming, bipartisan margins, arming law enforcement with new tools to detect and prevent terrorism: The USA Patriot Act was passed nearly unanimously by the Senate 98-1, and 357-66 in the House, with the support of members from across the political spectrum." Ver http://www.justice.gov/archive/ll/highlights.htm(5) http://www.house.gov/representatives/(6) Ver http://www.newamericancentury.org/ *Profesor Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.

In this work the management effectiveness of a Cuban MPA is assessed using an interdisciplinary approach. A series of three hypotheses are tested to determine how effective the Punta Frances Marine Protected Area (PFMPA) has been in meeting the multiple objectives of conserving biological diversity and ecological integrity, while allowing for the development of economic opportunities for tourism, and satisfying the needs of local and distant human populations. A new typology of benefits derived from MPAs was produced to provide managers with a practical tool that enable them to: 1) identify the benefits at the early stages of MPA creation, 2) state MPA objectives in a clear and measurable way, 3) assess the effectiveness of their MPA in meeting their management objectives. A new methodology was also developed to assess MPA effectiveness. This methodology constitutes an advancement from previous work, and it is based on qualitative and quantitative measurements of benefits depicted in the proposed typology. It has several advantages over previous methods. One of the main advantages is that it can be applied to assess one single MPA or a group of MPAs in a comparative fashion. The case study analyzed showed that to date, the PFMPA shows little signs of being negatively affected by the recreational SCUBA diving activities for which it was intended, given that no significant differences were found between intensively used diving areas and unused diving areas in terms of fish abundance, coral cover and macroalgae cover. Despite this, the PFMPA is not currently providing the full set of benefits to humans and the rest of nature, due mainly to administrative issues. If the PFMPA eventually becomes a National Marine Park (i.e. is fully protected from extractive activities), and management is correctly implemented, an annual economic value of almost USD $127,164,116.37 is forecast. At present the PFMPA does not provide any social or economic benefit to the nearby coastal community of Cocodrilo, thereby maintaining a divorce between local people and the users and managers of the MPA. Conversely, foreigners are receiving most of the benefits associated with recreation in a pristine tropical coastal ecosystem situated on the edge of the Caribbean Sea basin. The interdisciplinary methodologies for assessing effectiveness of MPAs developed in this study provided quantitative and qualitative evidence of a poor level of success in meeting the multiple management objectives of the PFMPA. 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Wolters-Noordhoff, Groningen. de Groot RS (1994) Functions and values of protected areas: a comprehensive framework for assessing the benefits of protected areas to human society. In: Munasinghe M, McNeely J (Eds). Protected areas economics and policy: linking conservation and sustainable development. World Conservation Union and the World Bank, Washington, DC, pp. 159-169. de Groot R, Wilson M, Boumans R (2002) A typology for the classification, description and valuation of ecosystem functions, goods and services. Ecological Economics 41: 393-408. de la Guardia E, Angulo J, González-Sansón G, Aguilar C, González-Díaz P (2004ª) Biodiversidad en la zona de buceo del Parque Nacional de Punta Francés, Isla de la Juventud, Cuba. Revista de Investigaciones Marinas 25(2):91-102. de la Guardia E, González-Díaz P, Castellanos S (2004b) Estructura de la comunidad de grupos bentónicos sésiles en la zona de buceo de Punta Francés, Cuba. Revista de Investigaciones Marinas 25(2): 81-90. 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The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.

CSES Variable List
The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.

Themes:

MICRO-LEVEL DATA:

Identification and study administration variables:
weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire.

Demography:
year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country.

Survey variables:
perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month.

DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA:
number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district.

MACRO-LEVEL DATA:
election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.

Publisher's version (útgefin grein) ; Objective: To explore genetic and lifestyle risk factors of MRI-defined brain infarcts (BI) in large population-based cohorts. Methods We performed meta-analyses of genome-wide association studies (GWAS) and examined associations of vascular risk factors and their genetic risk scores (GRS) with MRI-defined BI and a subset of BI, namely, small subcortical BI (SSBI), in 18 population-based cohorts (n=20,949) from 5 ethnicities (3,726 with BI, 2,021 with SSBI). Top loci were followed up in 7 population-based cohorts (n = 6,862; 1,483 with BI, 630 with SBBI), and we tested associations with related phenotypes including ischemic stroke and pathologically defined BI. Results: The mean prevalence was 17.7% for BI and 10.5% for SSBI, steeply rising after age 65. Two loci showed genome-wide significant association with BI: FBN2, p = 1.77 × 10-8; and LINC00539/ZDHHC20, p = 5.82 × 10-9. Both have been associated with blood pressure (BP)-related phenotypes, but did not replicate in the smaller follow-up sample or show associations with related phenotypes. Age- and sex-adjusted associations with BI and SSBI were observed for BP traits (p value for BI, p[BI] = 9.38 × 10-25; p [SSBI] = 5.23 × 10-14 for hypertension), smoking (p[BI]= 4.4 × 10-10; p [SSBI] = 1.2 × 10 -4), diabetes (p[BI] = 1.7 × 10 -8; p [SSBI] = 2.8 × 10 -3), previous cardiovascular disease (p [BI] = 1.0 × 10-18; p [SSBI] = 2.3 × 10-7), stroke (p [BI] = 3.9 × 10-69; p [SSBI] = 3.2 × 10 -24), and MRI-defined white matter hyperintensity burden (p [BI]=1.43 × 10-157; p [SSBI] = 3.16 × 10-106), but not with body mass index or cholesterol. GRS of BP traits were associated with BI and SSBI (p ≤ 0.0022), without indication of directional pleiotropy. Conclusion: In this multiethnic GWAS meta-analysis, including over 20,000 population-based participants, we identified genetic risk loci for BI requiring validation once additional large datasets become available. High BP, including genetically determined, was the most significant modifiable, causal risk factor for BI. ; CHAP: R01-AG-11101, R01-AG-030146, NIRP-14-302587. SMART: This study was supported by a grant from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research–Medical Sciences (project no. 904-65–095). LBC: The authors thank the LBC1936 participants and the members of the LBC1936 research team who collected and collated the phenotypic and genotypic data. The LBC1936 is supported by Age UK (Disconnected Mind Programme grant). The work was undertaken by The University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology, part of the cross-council Lifelong Health and Wellbeing Initiative (MR/K026992/1). The brain imaging was performed in the Brain Research Imaging Centre (https://www.ed.ac.uk/clinical-sciences/edinburgh-imaging), a center in the SINAPSE Collaboration (sinapse.ac.uk) supported by the Scottish Funding Council and Chief Scientist Office. Funding from the UK Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC) and the UK Medical Research Council is acknowledged. Genotyping was supported by a grant from the BBSRC (ref. BB/F019394/1). PROSPER: The PROSPER study was supported by an investigator-initiated grant obtained from Bristol-Myers Squibb. Prof. Dr. J.W. Jukema is an Established Clinical Investigator of the Netherlands Heart Foundation (grant 2001 D 032). Support for genotyping was provided by the seventh framework program of the European commission (grant 223004) and by the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging grant 050-060-810). SCES and SiMES: National Medical Research Council Singapore Centre Grant NMRC/CG/013/2013. C.-Y.C. is supported by the National Medical Research Council, Singapore (CSA/033/2012), Singapore Translational Research Award (STaR) 2013. Dr. Kamran Ikram received additional funding from the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council (NMRC/CSA/038/2013). SHIP: SHIP is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grants no. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, as well as the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania, and the network "Greifswald Approach to Individualized Medicine (GANI_MED)" funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant 03IS2061A). Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant no. 03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthineers, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. Whole-body MRI was supported by a joint grant from Siemens Healthineers, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. The University of Greifswald is a member of the Caché Campus program of the InterSystems GmbH. OATS (Older Australian Twins Study): OATS was supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHRMC)/Australian Research Council (ARC) Strategic Award (ID401162) and by a NHMRC grant (ID1045325). OATS was facilitated via access to the Australian Twin Registry, which is supported by the NHMRC Enabling Grant 310667. The OATS genotyping was partly supported by a Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation Flagship Collaboration Fund Grant. NOMAS: The Northern Manhattan Study is funded by the NIH grant "Stroke Incidence and Risk Factors in a Tri-Ethnic Region" (NINDS R01NS 29993). TASCOG: NHMRC and Heart Foundation. AGES: The study was funded by the National Institute on Aging (NIA) (N01-AG-12100), Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament), with contributions from the Intramural Research Programs at the NIA, the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI), and the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS) (Z01 HL004607-08 CE). ERF: The ERF study as a part of European Special Populations Research Network (EUROSPAN) was supported by European Commission FP6 STRP grant no. 018947 (LSHG-CT-2006-01947) and also received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413 by the European Commission under the programme "Quality of Life and Management of the Living Resources" of 5th Framework Programme (no. QLG2-CT-2002-01254). High-throughput analysis of the ERF data was supported by a joint grant from Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043). Exome sequencing analysis in ERF was supported by the ZonMw grant (project 91111025). Najaf Amin is supported by the Netherlands Brain Foundation (project no. F2013[1]-28). ARIC: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities study was performed as a collaborative study supported by NHLBI contracts (HHSN268201100005C, HSN268201100006C, HSN268201100007C, HHSN268201100008C, HHSN268201100009C, HHSN268201100010C, HHSN268201100011C, and HHSN268201100012C), R01HL70825, R01HL087641, R01HL59367, and R01HL086694; National Human Genome Research Institute contract U01HG004402; and NIH contract HHSN268200625226C. Infrastructure was partly supported by grant no. UL1RR025005, a component of the NIH and NIH Roadmap for Medical Research. This project was also supported by NIH R01 grant NS087541 to M.F. FHS: This work was supported by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (contracts no. N01-HC-25195 and no. HHSN268201500001I), and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc. for genotyping services (contract no. N02-HL-6-4278). A portion of this research utilized the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. This study was also supported by grants from the NIA (R01s AG033040, AG033193, AG054076, AG049607, AG008122, and U01-AG049505) and the NINDS (R01-NS017950, UH2 NS100605). Dr. DeCarli is supported by the Alzheimer's Disease Center (P30 AG 010129). ASPS: The research reported in this article was funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) grant nos. P20545-P05, P13180, and P20545-B05, by the Austrian National Bank Anniversary Fund, P15435, and the Austrian Ministry of Science under the aegis of the EU Joint Programme–Neurodegenerative Disease Research (JPND) (jpnd.eu). LLS: The Leiden Longevity Study has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2011) under grant agreement no. 259679. This study was supported by a grant from the Innovation-Oriented Research Program on Genomics (SenterNovem IGE05007), the Centre for Medical Systems Biology, and the Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Ageing (grant 050-060-810), all in the framework of the Netherlands Genomics Initiative, Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), UnileverColworth, and by BBMRI-NL, a Research Infrastructure financed by the Dutch government (NWO 184.021.007). CHS: This CHS research was supported by contracts HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268200800007C, N01HC55222, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N01HC15103, and HHSN268200960009C and grants U01HL080295, R01HL087652, R01HL105756, R01HL103612, R01HL120393, R01HL085251, and R01HL130114 from the NHLBI with additional contribution from NINDS. Additional support was provided through R01AG023629 from the NIA. A full list of principal CHS investigators and institutions can be found at CHS-NHLBI.org. The provision of genotyping data was supported in part by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, CTSI grant UL1TR001881, and the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease Diabetes Research Center grant DK063491 to the Southern California Diabetes Endocrinology Research Center. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH. Rotterdam Study: The generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the Rotterdam Study is supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) Investments (no. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012). This study is funded by the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/NWO project no. 050-060-810. The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus MC Medical Center and Erasmus MC University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII), and the Municipality of Rotterdam. M.A.I. is supported by an NWO Veni grant (916.13.054). The 3-City Study: The 3-City Study is conducted under a partnership agreement among the Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM), the University of Bordeaux, and Sanofi-Aventis. The Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale funded the preparation and initiation of the study. The 3C Study is also supported by the Caisse Nationale Maladie des Travailleurs Salariés, Direction Générale de la Santé, Mutuelle Générale de l'Education Nationale (MGEN), Institut de la Longévité, Conseils Régionaux of Aquitaine and Bourgogne, Fondation de France, and Ministry of Research–INSERM Programme "Cohortes et collections de données biologiques." C.T. and S.D. have received investigator-initiated research funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR) and from the Fondation Leducq. S.D. is supported by a starting grant from the European Research Council (SEGWAY), a grant from the Joint Programme of Neurodegenerative Disease research (BRIDGET), from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreements No 643417 & No 640643, and by the Initiative of Excellence of Bordeaux University. Part of the computations were performed at the Bordeaux Bioinformatics Center (CBiB), University of Bordeaux. This work was supported by the National Foundation for Alzheimer's Disease and Related Disorders, the Institut Pasteur de Lille, the Labex DISTALZ, and the Centre National de Génotypage. ADGC: The Alzheimer Disease Genetics Consortium is supported by NIH. NIH-NIA supported this work through the following grants: ADGC, U01 AG032984, RC2 AG036528; NACC, U01 AG016976; NCRAD, U24 AG021886; NIA LOAD, U24 AG026395, U24 AG026390; Banner Sun Health Research Institute, P30 AG019610; Boston University, P30 AG013846, U01 AG10483, R01 CA129769, R01 MH080295, R01 AG017173, R01 AG025259, R01AG33193; Columbia University, P50 AG008702, R37 AG015473; Duke University, P30 AG028377, AG05128; Emory University, AG025688; Group Health Research Institute, UO1 AG06781, UO1 HG004610; Indiana University, P30 AG10133; Johns Hopkins University, P50 AG005146, R01 AG020688; Massachusetts General Hospital, P50 AG005134; Mayo Clinic, P50 AG016574; Mount Sinai School of Medicine, P50 AG005138, P01 AG002219; New York University, P30 AG08051, MO1RR00096, UL1 RR029893, 5R01AG012101, 5R01AG022374, 5R01AG013616, 1RC2AG036502, 1R01AG035137; Northwestern University, P30 AG013854; Oregon Health & Science University, P30 AG008017, R01 AG026916; Rush University, P30 AG010161, R01 AG019085, R01 AG15819, R01 AG17917, R01 AG30146; TGen, R01 NS059873; University of Alabama at Birmingham, P50 AG016582, UL1RR02777; University of Arizona, R01 AG031581; University of California, Davis, P30 AG010129; University of California, Irvine, P50 AG016573, P50, P50 AG016575, P50 AG016576, P50 AG016577; University of California, Los Angeles, P50 AG016570; University of California, San Diego, P50 AG005131; University of California, San Francisco, P50 AG023501, P01 AG019724; University of Kentucky, P30 AG028383, AG05144; University of Michigan, P50 AG008671; University of Pennsylvania, P30 AG010124; University of Pittsburgh, P50 AG005133, AG030653; University of Southern California, P50 AG005142; University of Texas Southwestern, P30 AG012300; University of Miami, R01 AG027944, AG010491, AG027944, AG021547, AG019757; University of Washington, P50 AG005136; Vanderbilt University, R01 AG019085; and Washington University, P50 AG005681, P01 AG03991. The Kathleen Price Bryan Brain Bank at Duke University Medical Center is funded by NINDS grant NS39764, NIMH MH60451, and by GlaxoSmithKline. Genotyping of the TGEN2 cohort was supported by Kronos Science. The TGen series was also funded by NIA grant AG041232, the Banner Alzheimer's Foundation, The Johnnie B. Byrd Sr. Alzheimer's Institute, the Medical Research Council, and the state of Arizona and also includes samples from the following sites: Newcastle Brain Tissue Resource (funding via the Medical Research Council [MRC], local NHS trusts, and Newcastle University), MRC London Brain Bank for Neurodegenerative Diseases (funding via the Medical Research Council), South West Dementia Brain Bank (funding via numerous sources including the Higher Education Funding Council for England [HEFCE], Alzheimer's Research Trust [ART], BRACE, as well as North Bristol NHS Trust Research and Innovation Department and DeNDRoN), The Netherlands Brain Bank (funding via numerous sources including Stichting MS Research, Brain Net Europe, Hersenstichting Nederland Breinbrekend Werk, International Parkinson Fonds, Internationale Stiching Alzheimer Onderzoek), Institut de Neuropatologia, Servei Anatomia Patologica, and Universitat de Barcelona). ADNI: Funding for ADNI is through the Northern California Institute for Research and Education by grants from Abbott, AstraZeneca AB, Bayer Schering Pharma AG, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eisai Global Clinical Development, Elan Corporation, Genentech, GE Healthcare, GlaxoSmithKline, Innogenetics, Johnson & Johnson, Eli Lilly and Co., Medpace, Inc., Merck and Co., Inc., Novartis AG, Pfizer Inc, F. Hoffman-La Roche, Schering-Plough, Synarc, Inc., Alzheimer's Association, Alzheimer's Drug Discovery Foundation, the Dana Foundation, and the National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering and NIA grants U01 AG024904, RC2 AG036535, and K01 AG030514. Support was also provided by the Alzheimer's Association (LAF, IIRG-08-89720; MAP-V, IIRG-05-14147) and the US Department of Veterans Affairs Administration, Office of Research and Development, Biomedical Laboratory Research Program. SiGN: Stroke Genetic Network (SiGN) was supported in part by award nos. U01NS069208 and R01NS100178 from NINDS. Genetics of Early-Onset Stroke (GEOS) Study was supported by the NIH Genes, Environment and Health Initiative (GEI) grant U01 HG004436, as part of the GENEVA consortium under GEI, with additional support provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488); and the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs. Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to Johns Hopkins University (contract no. HHSN268200782096C). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and assembly of datasets were supported by a Cooperative Agreement with the Division of Adult and Community Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and by grants from NINDS and the NIH Office of Research on Women's Health (R01 NS45012, U01 NS069208-01). METASTROKE: ASGC: Australian population control data were derived from the Hunter Community Study. This research was funded by grants from the Australian National and Medical Health Research Council (NHMRC Project Grant ID: 569257), the Australian National Heart Foundation (NHF Project Grant ID: G 04S 1623), the University of Newcastle, the Gladys M Brawn Fellowship scheme, and the Vincent Fairfax Family Foundation in Australia. E.G.H. was supported by a Fellowship from the NHF and National Stroke Foundation of Australia (ID: 100071). J.M. was supported by an Australian Postgraduate Award. BRAINS: Bio-Repository of DNA in Stroke (BRAINS) is partly funded by a Senior Fellowship from the Department of Health (UK) to P.S., the Henry Smith Charity, and the UK-India Education Research Institutive (UKIERI) from the British Council. GEOS: Genetics of Early Onset Stroke (GEOS) Study, Baltimore, was supported by GEI Grant U01 HG004436, as part of the GENEVA consortium under GEI, with additional support provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488), and the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs. Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to the Johns Hopkins University (contract no. HHSN268200782096C). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and assembly of datasets were supported by a Cooperative Agreement with the Division of Adult and Community Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and by grants from NINDS and the NIH Office of Research on Women's Health (R01 NS45012, U01 NS069208-01). HPS: Heart Protection Study (HPS) (ISRCTN48489393) was supported by the UK MRC, British Heart Foundation, Merck and Co. (manufacturers of simvastatin), and Roche Vitamins Ltd. (manufacturers of vitamins). Genotyping was supported by a grant to Oxford University and CNG from Merck and Co. J.C.H. acknowledges support from the British Heart Foundation (FS/14/55/30806). ISGS: Ischemic Stroke Genetics Study (ISGS)/Siblings With Ischemic Stroke Study (SWISS) was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIA, NIH project Z01 AG-000954-06. ISGS/SWISS used samples and clinical data from the NIH-NINDS Human Genetics Resource Center DNA and Cell Line Repository (ccr.coriell.org/ninds), human subjects protocol nos. 2003-081 and 2004-147. ISGS/SWISS used stroke-free participants from the Baltimore Longitudinal Study of Aging (BLSA) as controls. The inclusion of BLSA samples was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIA, NIH project Z01 AG-000015-50, human subjects protocol no. 2003-078. The ISGS study was funded by NIH-NINDS Grant R01 NS-42733 (J.F.M.). The SWISS study was funded by NIH-NINDS Grant R01 NS-39987 (J.F.M.). This study used the high-performance computational capabilities of the Biowulf Linux cluster at the NIH (biowulf.nih.gov). MGH-GASROS: MGH Genes Affecting Stroke Risk and Outcome Study (MGH-GASROS) was supported by NINDS (U01 NS069208), the American Heart Association/Bugher Foundation Centers for Stroke Prevention Research 0775010N, the NIH and NHLBI's STAMPEED genomics research program (R01 HL087676), and a grant from the National Center for Research Resources. The Broad Institute Center for Genotyping and Analysis is supported by grant U54 RR020278 from the National Center for Research resources. Milan: Milano–Besta Stroke Register Collection and genotyping of the Milan cases within CEDIR were supported by the Italian Ministry of Health (grant nos.: RC 2007/LR6, RC 2008/LR6; RC 2009/LR8; RC 2010/LR8; GR-2011-02347041), FP6 LSHM-CT-2007-037273 for the PROCARDIS control samples. WTCCC2: Wellcome Trust Case-Control Consortium 2 (WTCCC2) was principally funded by the Wellcome Trust, as part of the Wellcome Trust Case Control Consortium 2 project (085475/B/08/Z and 085475/Z/08/Z and WT084724MA). The Stroke Association provided additional support for collection of some of the St George's, London cases. The Oxford cases were collected as part of the Oxford Vascular Study, which is funded by the MRC, Stroke Association, Dunhill Medical Trust, National Institute of Health Research (NIHR), and the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre, Oxford. The Edinburgh Stroke Study was supported by the Wellcome Trust (clinician scientist award to C.L.M.S.) and the Binks Trust. Sample processing occurred in the Genetics Core Laboratory of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility, Western General Hospital, Edinburgh. Much of the neuroimaging occurred in the Scottish Funding Council Brain Imaging Research Centre (https://www.ed.ac.uk/clinical-sciences/edinburgh-imaging), Division of Clinical Neurosciences, University of Edinburgh, a core area of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility, and part of the SINAPSE (Scottish Imaging Network: A Platform for Scientific Excellence) collaboration (sinapse.ac.uk), funded by the Scottish Funding Council and the Chief Scientist Office. Collection of the Munich cases and data analysis was supported by the Vascular Dementia Research Foundation. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreements no. 666881, SVDs@target (to M.D.) and no. 667375, CoSTREAM (to M.D.); the DFG as part of the Munich Cluster for Systems Neurology (EXC 1010 SyNergy) and the CRC 1123 (B3) (to M.D.); the Corona Foundation (to M.D.); the Fondation Leducq (Transatlantic Network of Excellence on the Pathogenesis of Small Vessel Disease of the Brain) (to M.D.); the e:Med program (e:AtheroSysMed) (to M.D.) and the FP7/2007-2103 European Union project CVgenes@target (grant agreement no. Health-F2-2013-601456) (to M.D.). M.F. and A.H. acknowledge support from the BHF Centre of Research Excellence in Oxford and the Wellcome Trust core award (090532/Z/09/Z). VISP: The GWAS component of the Vitamin Intervention for Stroke Prevention (VISP) study was supported by the US National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI), grant U01 HG005160 (PI Michèle Sale and Bradford Worrall), as part of the Genomics and Randomized Trials Network (GARNET). Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to Johns Hopkins University. Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GARNET Coordinating Center (U01 HG005157; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and collection of datasets for the VISP clinical trial were supported by an investigator-initiated research grant (R01 NS34447; PI James Toole) from the US Public Health Service, NINDS, Bethesda, MD. Control data obtained through the database of genotypes and phenotypes (dbGAP) maintained and supported by the United States National Center for Biotechnology Information, US National Library of Medicine. WHI: Funding support for WHI-GARNET was provided through the NHGRI GARNET (grant no. U01 HG005152). Assistance with phenotype harmonization and genotype cleaning, as well as with general study coordination, was provided by the GARNET Coordinating Center (U01 HG005157). Funding support for genotyping, which was performed at the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, was provided by the GEI (U01 HG004424). R.L. is a senior clinical investigator of FWO Flanders. F.W.A. is supported by a Dekker scholarship-Junior Staff Member 2014T001–Netherlands Heart Foundation and UCL Hospitals NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. ; Peer Reviewed