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Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy. ; Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy.

В последнее время происходит увеличение политической активности религиозных организаций и движений, в связи с чем в современной ситуации конфессиональный фактор становится одной из существенных составляющих национальных и многих международных политических процессов. Исходя из многовекового опыта сотрудничества политики и религии, можно говорить о существовании схожих позиций в поле регулирования социальной деятельности. Это позволяет отметить своеобразную гармонию в сфере политико-конфессионального взаимодействия. Однако именно глобализация и характерные для неё процессы размывания культурных и национальных идентичностей становятся сегодня одним из важнейших факторов, влияющих на обращение религиозных сил к инструментам политики. ; The interaction of politics and religion is a complex of phenomena occurring in the area of intersection of the two specific systems of social regulation. The inconsistency and ambiguity of this process is caused by the objective reasons. These are a direct social strategy of religion, the nature of relationships in multi-confessional environment, the social status of the established religion, the characteristics of a form of government and type of political regime, as well as numerous economic, cultural and other factors. Now it becomes clear that a peaceful coexistence of religion and politics is impossible, since sooner or later there will be subject to massive changes in one of these two systems, or in both at once. As history shows, political and religious institutions began to work only when it is necessary either to fight against any action within the country, or resist external threats. Religion and politics (despite a certain similarity between the functions) use different methods of regulating human behaviour, as well as evaluation of their actions. Politics is often guided by the principle of expediency, while religion demands moral precepts guide, recorded in sacred texts. Religion can legitimize some of the socio-political elements before they have been fixed at the state level. However, politics also affects religion. Politics forms the legal framework for its operation, regulates the legal status of religious organizations that protect the rights of citizens to freedom of conscience, creates a climate of mutual tolerance and respect between religious communities. Currently, there is a surge of religious activity in the political sphere. The reasons for this surge is the immediate realities of globalization: the blurring of many cross-cultural barriers, mass migration, mixture of different ethnic groups with their cultural and religious traditions. These circumstances are the cause of deep resentment, insults; acute conflict situations provide fertile ground for extremist activities. Religion can also cause conflicts associated with its existence in a secular society. For example, there are cases when the system of religious values is contrasted to the system of secular law. Now we can see that the interaction of religion with the political sphere of society comes in various ways. As part of a national political process the confessional factor may be disclosed as one with the destabilizing or the consolidating potential. Religious and political cooperation is particularly important for our country. Multi-ethnic and poly-confessional Russian society during the social and economic instability are most under threat of rising interfaith and inter-ethnic contradictions.

Šī maģistra darba mērķis ir izanalizēt Eiropas Savienības valodu politiku divos dažādos līmeņos: Eiropas daudzvalodība un angļu valodas kā "lingua franca" priekšrocības un draudi integrācijas procesam. Teorētiski, Eiropas Savienība ir stingri daudzvalodīga, bet praksē daudzvalodību ne vienmēr var saglabāt efektivitātes iemeslu dēļ. Atšķirības starp teoriju un praksi varētu samazināties, reducējot darba valodu skaitu, bet nacionālās valstis atsakās no visu šāda veida mēģinājumiem politisko iemeslu dēļ. Angļu valoda ir nostiprinājusi savas pozīcijas kā pasaules dominējošā "lingua franca", bet daudzi pilsoņi un Eiropas Savienības amatpersonas paliek skeptiski par šādu notikumu attīstību. Tie baidās, ka angļu valodas dominance varētu "apēnot" daudzvalodību Eiropas Savienībā. Angļu valodu kā "lingua franca varētu uzskatīt par instrumentu, kas palīdz Eiropas pilsoņiem sazināties, un nekādā gadījumā, tā nevar būt uzskatīta par draudiem Eiropas Savienības daudzvalodībai. Gadījumā, ja visas dalībvalstis ieguldītu savu pilsoņu angļu valodas apgūšanā, Eiropas Savienībai vajadzētu izmantot šo ieguldījumu un lietot kopīgu valodu kā līdzekli, kas veicinātu integrācijas procesu. Tomēr ir svarīgi, lai Eiropas Savienības bagāts un daudzveidīgs kultūras mantojums tiek saglabāts - katram pilsonim būtu jānovērtē sava dzimtā valoda un kultūra, vienlaikus izmantojot iespēju saskarties ar pārējiem eiropiešiem un veicināt Eiropas iedzīvotājiem "vienotību dažādībā". Lai ietekmētu šos svarīgākos notikumus, Eiropas Savienībai būtu jācenšas iegūt kompetenci valodas politikas jomā - riskants pasākums, jo nacionālās identitātes un valodas bieži joprojām tiek uzskatītas par nedalāmām koncepcijām. Atslēgvārdi: Eiropas Savienība, valodu politika, daudzvalodība, angļu valoda kā "lingua franca". ; The present thesis aims to analyze the European Union language policy on two different levels: Europe's multilingualism and the advantages and threats of English as a lingua franca for the integration process. In theory, the European Union is strictly multilingual, but the practice cannot always be maintained due to efficiency reasons. The divergence between theory and practice could be minimized by a reduction of working languages, but nation states refuse any such attempt because of power-political reasons. English has established itself firmly as the world's leading lingua franca, but many citizens and the European Union officials remain sceptical of this development. They fear that an English dominance might "devour" multilingualism in the Union. English as lingua franca could be seen as an instrument to get European citizens in contact with each other instead of being viewed as a threat. As all member states invest in their citizens learning English, the European Union should make use of this investment and use the common language as a tool for fostering the integration process. However, it is vital that the European Union's rich and diverse cultural heritage is maintained – each citizen should value his or her mother tongue and culture, while also taking the chance to connect with fellow Europeans and contribute to the formation of a European people" united in diversity". In order to exert influence on these important developments, the European Union should aim to gain competence in the field of language policy – a difficult venture, as national identity and language are often still seen to be inseparable concepts. Key words: European Union, language policy, multilingualism, English as lingua franca.

This thesis is built around the decisions that led to the legislation on security of natural gas supply which first consisted of a directive (OJ L 127, 29.4.2004) that was then changed to a regulation (OJ L 295, 12.11.2010) concerning measures to safeguard security of natural gas supply. I study the decision-making processes behind the legislation on the security of gas supply and the role that the main institutions of the EU, namely the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament, play in the process. The theory used in this thesis is based on Mark A. Pollack's (2003) perception of the principal-agent analysis in rational choice institutionalism. The analysis is guided by this theoretical framework. Based on the main theory, I formulate two general research questions and three sets of hypotheses. The formulated hypotheses determine which categories were used when interpreting the gathered evidence. The method of my thesis is an intrinsic case study. The case is the decision-making process that led to the legislation on security of natural gas supply. The primary material for this research consists of the official documents written in the process of formulating the directive and regulation. These documents were supplemented with journalistic reports. The main result of this thesis is a founding according to which the roles of the institutions did change in the course of the decision-making process. The Council started as the dominant actor in the decision-making process of the directive, possessing the most influence on the conduct of the process and consequently, the resulting decisions. The Commission and the Parliament were left with the roles of a weak agenda-setter and a junior legislator. As the decision-making process proceeded to the regulation, the roles of the institutions changed. The Commission's agenda-setting behaviour became more assertive and it was able to achieve a larger number of goals than earlier. The Parliament's role changed from junior legislator to the Council's co-legislator as it was able to engage itself into a fairly equal bargaining with the Council. The Council, on its part, had to give up its dominant position and accept a more balanced decision-making process with the other institutions, forcing it to assess its preferences in a more critical way. In terms of a zero sum game, the Council lost influence in the course of the legislation process whereas the Commission and the Parliament gained influence. The reasons behind the change in the roles of the institutions include the changing legal framework of the EU, namely the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty which gave the Commission and the Parliament more influence in the decision-making processes by extending the application of the co-decision procedure to decision-making on energy. Another reason for the change was the gas disruption between Russia and Ukraine in 2009 which brought the matter of urgency into the equation as the Member States preferred a quick adoption of a new regulation compared to the option of continuing with the already existing directive. Asiasanat:European Union, decision-making, institutions, principal-agent, energy

Resumen: Desde finales del siglo XX, un giro crítico en el pensamiento latinoamericano consistente en un desplazamiento desde la categoría "tiempo" hacia la categoría "espacio" pone en crisis al moderno "paradigma cronocéntrico" que encuadra las sociedades latinoamericanas bajo el polo negativo de las dicotomías progreso-atraso, modernidad-modernización, desarrollo-subdesarrollo, Historia-Geografía, ciencia-mito, etc. Este giro nos permite hablar de la emergencia de un paradigma otro que se sitúa en un lugar de enunciación diferente: el de un "pensamiento fronterizo fuerte" que asume la perspectiva y los límites de la "razón subalterna" o "gnosis fronteriza" que lucha por poner en primer plano la creatividad y la fuerza de los conocimientos descalificados por la razón moderna. El pensamiento social latinoamericano y los Estudios Subalternos del sur de Asia, entre otros, confluyen en esta perspectiva crítica que denominamos de la "espacialidad". Uno de los desafíos actuales que ambos enfrentan es repensar el concepto moderno de "nación" – objeto de permanentes luchas políticas en las sociedades poscoloniales – a partir de la especificidad de "lo local". En este artículo nos proponemos mostrar que la categoría espacio ocupa un lugar central en las diferentes topografías trazadas por los politólogos Luis Tapia y Partha Chatterjee, sobre sus respectivas realidades sociales. El "espacio" se convierte en concepto central para entender la forma en que estos teóricos redefinen otros conceptos como "gubernamentalidad" e "intergubernamentalidad". Sin embargo, ambas teorías parecen depender aún de las oposiciones conceptuales modernas. Palabras claves: espacio-tiempo, cronopolítica, geopolítica del conocimiento, nación, poscolonialismo. Abstract: From the late 20th century, a critical turn in the Latin American thought consisting in a shift from the "time" category to the "space" category endangers the modern "chronocentric paradigm" that places Latin American societies under the negative side of the dichotomies of progress/regress, modernity/modernisation, development-under/development,History/Geography, science/myth, etc. This turn allows us to speak about the emergence of a paradigm other that is situated on a different epistemological standpoint: the place of "strong border thinking" who assumes the perspective of "subaltern reason" or "border gnosis" that struggle to put first the creativity and the power of knowledge that modern reason has disqualified. The Latin American social thought and the Subaltern Studies of South of Asia, among others, converge in this critic perspective that we have called of the "spatiality". One of the challenges that both face is to rethink the modern concept of "nation" – subject to constant political struggles in the postcolonial societies – since the specificity of "the local". In this article, we propose to show that the category "space" occupies a central place in different topographies set by the political scientists Luis Tapia and Partha Chatterjee on their social realities. The "space" becomes the central concept for understanding how these theorists redefine concepts such as "governmentality" and "intergovernmentalism". However, both theories still seem to rely on modern conceptual oppositions. Key words: space-time, chronopolitics, geopolitics of knowledge, nation, post-colonialism.

Resumen: Desde finales del siglo XX, un giro crítico en el pensamiento latinoamericano consistente en un desplazamiento desde la categoría "tiempo" hacia la categoría "espacio" pone en crisis al moderno "paradigma cronocéntrico" que encuadra las sociedades latinoamericanas bajo el polo negativo de las dicotomías progreso-atraso, modernidad-modernización, desarrollo-subdesarrollo, Historia-Geografía, ciencia-mito, etc. Este giro nos permite hablar de la emergencia de un paradigma otro que se sitúa en un lugar de enunciación diferente: el de un "pensamiento fronterizo fuerte" que asume la perspectiva y los límites de la "razón subalterna" o "gnosis fronteriza" que lucha por poner en primer plano la creatividad y la fuerza de los conocimientos descalificados por la razón moderna. El pensamiento social latinoamericano y los Estudios Subalternos del sur de Asia, entre otros, confluyen en esta perspectiva crítica que denominamos de la "espacialidad". Uno de los desafíos actuales que ambos enfrentan es repensar el concepto moderno de "nación" – objeto de permanentes luchas políticas en las sociedades poscoloniales – a partir de la especificidad de "lo local". En este artículo nos proponemos mostrar que la categoría espacio ocupa un lugar central en las diferentes topografías trazadas por los politólogos Luis Tapia y Partha Chatterjee, sobre sus respectivas realidades sociales. El "espacio" se convierte en concepto central para entender la forma en que estos teóricos redefinen otros conceptos como "gubernamentalidad" e "intergubernamentalidad". Sin embargo, ambas teorías parecen depender aún de las oposiciones conceptuales modernas. Palabras claves: espacio-tiempo, cronopolítica, geopolítica del conocimiento, nación, poscolonialismo. Abstract: From the late 20th century, a critical turn in the Latin American thought consisting in a shift from the "time" category to the "space" category endangers the modern "chronocentric paradigm" that places Latin American societies under the negative side of the dichotomies of progress/regress, modernity/modernisation, development-under/development,History/Geography, science/myth, etc. This turn allows us to speak about the emergence of a paradigm other that is situated on a different epistemological standpoint: the place of "strong border thinking" who assumes the perspective of "subaltern reason" or "border gnosis" that struggle to put first the creativity and the power of knowledge that modern reason has disqualified. The Latin American social thought and the Subaltern Studies of South of Asia, among others, converge in this critic perspective that we have called of the "spatiality". One of the challenges that both face is to rethink the modern concept of "nation" – subject to constant political struggles in the postcolonial societies – since the specificity of "the local". In this article, we propose to show that the category "space" occupies a central place in different topographies set by the political scientists Luis Tapia and Partha Chatterjee on their social realities. The "space" becomes the central concept for understanding how these theorists redefine concepts such as "governmentality" and "intergovernmentalism". However, both theories still seem to rely on modern conceptual oppositions. Key words: space-time, chronopolitics, geopolitics of knowledge, nation, post-colonialism.

Предпринята попытка выявить закономерности развития российско-германских отношений в контексте эволюции мировой системы. Установлено, что модель взаимодействия, именуемая «стратегическим партнерством», была характерна для периода жесткой монополярности, но к середине 2000-х гг. исчерпала свои ресурсы. Во второй половине десятилетия обнаружилась тенденция становления мягкого варианта монополярности, в условиях которого на первый план вышло прагматическое сотрудничество. Это позволило, несмотря на сохраняющиеся проблемы, придать диалогу между РФ и ФРГ новый импульс. ; The first half of the 2000s. should recognize the heyday of the unipolar structure of international relations, characterized by the undisputed superpower in the face of the superiority of U.S. over other members of the international community in all spheres, especially economic and military-political fields. Russia, whose international роsitions have been weakened, however, tried to become a full member of the emerging regional space. The main tool for achieving this goal was the mechanism of "strategic partnership" that Moscow sought to put into practice in bilateral relations with key European powers. A special role is assigned the Kremlin partnership with Germany as the most developed EU countries, claiming the status of the geopolitical center of the continent. At first, this desire has found a positive response from Germany and provided a positive trend in Russian-German relations. However, events in the mid-2000s. gave reason to believe that "strategic partnership" is not a reliable guarantee that prevents a new round of tensions between Russia and Germany. The increase in tension was generated by a set of conflicts, as multilateral, in which Germany participated as a member of western organizations, and bilateral, due to unresolved issues in the dialogue of the Moscow-Berlin. By the middle of the first decade of the XXI century. Relations between Moscow and Berlin have lost the dynamism and the need for additional momentum. At this time, began drifting toward the international system of soft unipolarity, which caused variation in the development of bilateral relations. This development could go one of two scenarios that can be roughly described as pessimistic and moderately optimistic. In a number of reasons high degree of institutionality bilateral relations, the coalition nature of the new federal government with active participation of the SPD in shaping foreign policy in Berlin was elected the second option. Turning to the rails of pragmatism, the rulers of Germany, in words critical of domestic and foreign policy of the Kremlin softened its stance on several issues. During the intergovernmental consultations to Russian President V.V. Putin has managed to achieve from the new Federal Chancellor A. Merkel to the importance of building the North European gas pipeline to the energy security of Germany. Both Russia and Germany made clear its commitment to multilateral solutions to international problems. Berlin had to consider that the use of the Russian card in European politics, it provides a great opportunity for political maneuvering. In general, Russia and Germany have managed to keep the spirit of cooperation that allowed to be optimistic about the future of bilateral relations.

Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; This research revolves around the central question: How to characterize the student struggles in Bogota during the years 1980-1991? In order to answer this question, the following three dimensions have been addressed: the general context of national education, the process itself of student struggles, and the referents for reconstruction and memory reproduction. The problem lies in the process by which, since the 1960s, as higher education expanded its access levels, student struggles showed a relative decline in their activity for internal reasons in the higher education system and in each university , But also for external reasons in relation to the social situation of the country. However, although their actions were less numerous with regard to numerable acts, on the other hand they were transformed into citizen expressions that are more distant from political parties and more concentrated in the field of culture and the practical social concerns of the Young people like working in popular neighborhoods. On the other hand, it is also necessary to recognize that the student organization during the study period presented less cohesion than in previous years, so it can not be categorized as a student movement specifically. However, it should be noted that more concerns began to appear on the scene to encourage creativity and the search to include the expressions of most of the student sectors, whether or not they have a particular militancy. ; Esta investigación gira en torno a la pregunta central: ¿Cómo caracterizar a las luchas estudiantiles en Bogotá durante los años 1980-1991? Para poder dar respuesta a este cuestionamiento, se han abordado las siguientes tres dimensiones: el contexto general de la educación nacional, el proceso en sí de las luchas estudiantiles y los referentes de reconstrucción y reproducción memoria de las mismas. El problema se ubica en el proceso mediante el cual, desde los años sesenta, a medida que la educación superior fue ampliando sus niveles de acceso, las luchas estudiantiles presentaron un descenso relativo en su actividad por razones internas del sistema educativo superior y de cada universidad, pero también por motivos externos en relación con la situación social del país. Sin embargo, si bien sus acciones fueron menos cuantiosas en lo que respecta a actos numerables, por otro lado estas se fueron transformando en expresiones ciudadanas más alejadas de los partidos políticos y más concentradas en el ámbito de la cultura y las preocupaciones sociales prácticas de los jóvenes como el trabajo en barrios populares. Por otro lado, también es necesario reconocer que la organización estudiantil durante el periodo de estudio presentó menos cohesión que en años anteriores, por lo que no se la puede catalogar como movimiento estudiantil específicamente. Sin embargo hay que destacar que empezaron a aparecer en escena más preocupaciones por incentivar la creatividad y la búsqueda por incluir las expresiones de la mayor parte de los sectores estudiantiles, contaran o no estos con una militancia en particular.

NATO used to be the world's most formidable military alliance. But its original reason for existence, the Soviet Union, disintegrated years ago, and its dreams of being a world cop are withering in the mountains of Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the European Union's (EU) Common Security & Defense Policy (CSDP) has deployed 27 successful military/civil missions from Africa to Asia in the last 10 years. Through CSDP, Europeans are increasingly taking charge of managing their own foreign and security policy. NATO is no longer the sole and preeminent Euro-Atlantic security actor. But watching NATO fade into irrelevance would be a mistake. It is a tried and true platform to harness the resources of North America and Europe. NATO's future usefulness depends on its willingness to accept its reduced role, to let the EU handle the day-to-day security needs of Europe, and to craft a relationship with CSDP that will allow North America and Europe to act militarily together, should that ever become necessary. It is time for NATO 2.0, a new version of NATO, to fit the realities of an ever more integrated Europe in the 21st century. ; "July 2011." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 38-44). ; Introduction -- NATO's declining trajectory -- Common Security and Defense Policy's rising trajectory -- The Euro-Atlantic security space -- NATO's new strategic concept sidesteps reality -- Structure of report -- The EU Common Security and Defense Policy, 1990-2011. Background -- Britain and France change the EU's security equation -- CSDP institutions -- The Treaty of Lisbon -- The question for U.S. policymakers -- EU's Common Security and Defense Policy in action -- The Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) -- The EU military operation in the Republic of Chad and in the Central African Republic (EUFOR Tchad/RCA) -- EUMM Georgia : the European Union Monitoring Mission in Georgia -- Conclusions and recommendations -- Policy options -- Ramification of options -- Execution of policy recommendations #2 -- Impact of policy recommendations. ; NATO used to be the world's most formidable military alliance. But its original reason for existence, the Soviet Union, disintegrated years ago, and its dreams of being a world cop are withering in the mountains of Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the European Union's (EU) Common Security & Defense Policy (CSDP) has deployed 27 successful military/civil missions from Africa to Asia in the last 10 years. Through CSDP, Europeans are increasingly taking charge of managing their own foreign and security policy. NATO is no longer the sole and preeminent Euro-Atlantic security actor. But watching NATO fade into irrelevance would be a mistake. It is a tried and true platform to harness the resources of North America and Europe. NATO's future usefulness depends on its willingness to accept its reduced role, to let the EU handle the day-to-day security needs of Europe, and to craft a relationship with CSDP that will allow North America and Europe to act militarily together, should that ever become necessary. It is time for NATO 2.0, a new version of NATO, to fit the realities of an ever more integrated Europe in the 21st century. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Whether an engineer, a doctor, a politician or a mother, everyone practices evaluation every day of their life. One evaluates whether the rice has finished cooking, whether the proposed law will address the problem at hand, which diagnostic tests to do in response to the patient's symptoms and whether the bridge design is adequate for extreme weather conditions. Each of these evaluative acts has a purpose in mind, requires information, and assesses that information against the context and against standards (explicitly and implicitly), in order to catalyze an action. Although everyone has this inherent familiarity with evaluation, in a professional setting it often becomes rife with misunderstandings, complexities and challenges. Therefore, it is useful to start with first principles - what is evaluation? Definitions abound within the professional evaluation field, with many of the major evaluation theorists having developed their own variations (Patton 2008; Rossi et al. 1999). Almost all of these have at their core a set of common characteristics: the systematic nature of the process, competent data collection methodology, and assessment or valuing of the findings. Overlaying these characteristics with peacebuilding, one can define evaluation for our purposes as the use of social science data collection methods (including participatory processes) to investigate the quality and value of programming that addresses the core driving factors and actors of violent conflict or supports the driving factors and actors of peace (Church 2008). In this definition, 'quality' refers to the caliber of the implementation; including the conflict analysis from which a peacebuilding strategy is derived, the planning as well as the implementation process (a blend of logistics, tactics and peacebuilding technique). 'Value', on the other hand, inquires into the changes associated with the intervention and their significance to the target population in terms of stopping violence or building peace. Both quality and value are essential components of program evaluation. This chapter explores the state of the art of evaluation in peacebuilding. After reviewing recent developments (section 2) and current practice (section 3), it proposes that peacebuilding evaluations are generally not delivering accountability and learning in the manner in which they should for two primary reasons. First, the average evaluation is not grounded in the basics of good evaluation practice. Significantly more attention is given to responding to peacebuilding's perceived `distinctiveness' and the challenges this distinctiveness raises than to ensuring that the basics are covered (see section 4). The second reason is that the core drivers of evaluation - accountability and learning - are rarely held at the heart of the process (see section 5). Section 6 gives some recommendations for improving evaluation in the peacebuilding field, followed by a short conclusion. Methodological challenges, of which there are many, are not covered in this chapter. While the field needs to address these challenges in a thoughtful manner, the issues of quality and the motivations behind evaluation are at the foundation of evaluation practice. No improvements in methodology will fundamentally change the contribution of evaluations if these issues are not adequately addressed." (excerpt)

The book is the second volume of an encyclopedic reference work that, as the result of basic research in literary studies, represents the first systematic attempt to provide comprehensive documentation of the literary life of Austria during the Nazi era (1938-1945); the first volume (Styria) was published in 2008. From its methodological approach, it is intended to make the literary events that took place within the official system of the Third Reich as promoted, or at least tolerated, by the decision-makers in the cultural industry more accessible, without resorting to limiting, biased attempts to define a canon. Materials will be presented for the analysis and interpretation of the genesis and effects of these events and institutions. For this reason, the study is based on a functional understanding of literature and has taken key institutional elements of the literary communication system into consideration: authors and their works (including radio and film writers), scholars of German studies, the decision-makers of cultural policy (promotion/censure, literary awards), literary associations, publishing houses and theaters, anthologies and periodicals. The total control of all public creative and media activities in the year 1938 through the Third Reich dictatorship rarely provides good sources for the testing of this method. Our systematic research of the phase between 1938 and 1945 intends to create the most comprehensive description possible of the institutions within the literary system and the integration of authors. Apart from printed material in files pertaining to individuals, we primarily scrutinized the contents of the National Archive Berlin / Division on National Socialism (BDC) and what is known as the Gauakten or District Files for this purpose (the vast majority of personal information related to authors was provided by the authors themselves). The most important archival basis for the description of the institutions are files from the National Archive Koblenz (now in the National Archive Berlin) and the Municipal and Provincial Archives of Vienna. In the survey of material, some of the events that transpired before and after the critical Nazi years were systematically included in order to draw attention to continuities and breaks. Especially significant were literary awards and honors, which illustrate the integration of writers in the various governments from the monarchy up through the Second Republic. For this reason, we have included all such prizes that are known. The first attempt to list all literary organizations in Austria and all German-language anthologies, in which Austrian texts were included, covers the period between 1933 and 1945. The subsequent period has been documented not only through literary awards and honors, but also through the inclusion of the so-called Gauakten in the Austrian National Archive (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv / Archiv der Republik). In order to explore the institutional factors of the literary sub-system in German-speaking regions, a new kind of handbook was created in accordance with this methodological approach, a combination of encyclopedia of persons and specialized dictionary, which should be combined in a network to form a whole. Another factor that led to this format was the division of Austria by the Nazis into seven divisions subject directly to the German government.

On December, 17th, 2005, the European Counsel approved a candidate status for the Republic of Macedonia for a full membership in the European Union. In the process of integration of the Republic of Macedonia to the EU, the public administration reform has a strategic meaning. The principal research objectives of the paper are: • the motives and the basic reasons for undertaking a serious activities for public administration reform in the Republic of Macedonia; • the ongoing reform activities, actions and legal procedures that are undertaking for the reform of the Macedonian public administration; • an analysis of the accomplished results from the permanent governmental efforts for public administration reforms; and • the condition of the Macedonian public administration in present. Is there a need for the Ministry of Public Administration in the Republic of Macedonia? If there is, how it should be organized and what can be its future goals and functions? The scope of the research in this paper is covering explanation of the abovementioned objectives and will depend on the knowledge that already exists in the literature on the Macedonian reform processes. For the purpose of writing the paper, we employed a combination of different methodology aspects that are based on: • content analysis of various governmental documents and research papers that are dealing with reform issues in public administration in the Republic of Macedonia; • using administrative databases for the purpose of explaining the research goals in this paper; • comparative analysis; and • the method of deduction will be applied. The research summarized the following results and findings: • the main reasons for undertaking a reform activities in public administration in the Republic of Macedonia are multiple and naturally different; • the main motives for undertaking the reforms are: a proportional decrease of the overall number of the workforce, permanent measure of the working results, budget format change etc., that will guarantee a fulfillment of the criteria and conditions of entering Macedonia in the EU; • the already made reform efforts are partial and hard for implementation. Either the Strategy for public sector reform nor the Strategy for reform of the local government system, together with their Action Plans, by present, are not fully implemented; and • the introduction and the existence of the Ministry of public administration in the Republic of Macedonia comes as a basic need that is in the interest of the Macedonian citizens during the integrative processes for a full membership in EU. From the research findings and results, the following principal conclusions can be derived: • it is a time when the governments in Macedonia can not ignore the reforms anymore and its practical implementation in the public administration. Without the reforms, that are based on the new public management philosophy, Macedonia can not survive anymore in the global surrounding; and • the establishment of a new Ministry of public administration is not just a necessity but indispensable. In a situation, where the institutions that are dealing with the public sector reforms are dispersive, the new Ministry of public administration should be organized according the examples that already exist in some of the countries in the EU.

Одним из наиболее интересных, насыщенных событиями и в то же время противоречивых периодов в истории нашей страны является вторая половина 1940-х 1950-е гг. переходное время от завершающегося этапа сталинизма к начальному этапу «Оттепели». Эти этапы, являясь по своей сути дихотомическими, оставили значительный след в истории страны, в том числе и в отечественной высшей школе. В работе была сделана попытка на материале ИФФ ТГУ дать характеристику этому периоду в отношении гуманитарного сегмента советской высшей школы и выявить его характерные черты в провинциальном сибирском вузе. ; The humanitarian education and humanities have always been the major component of the political and ideological processes occurring in the Soviet society. History, philology and philosophy made the sphere of the state ideology, which formed the person of the Soviet specialist (intellectual). Subsequently, according to the opinion of the authorities, he / she should become a support for the state in carrying out of an ideological policy during the professional work, including the pedagogical one. First of all, historical science and education as a specific segment of the higher school in the USSR solved these problems. For this reason state-party bodies made special demands in the field of ideology to the Department of History and Philology (DHF) of TSU in the first post-war decade. Serious ideological work, directed at strengthening of ideological and political views of the teachers and the students, considerably weakened after the war, especially concerning questions of foreign policy and mutual relations with Western countries, was done in the first post-war years at the DHF, in view of its specificity and special position in the system of ideological and political education of the population. In the second half of 1940s-1950s the faculty life and life of all the university was characterised by carrying out some ideological campaigns, which made certain impact on the general climate in professorial and students environment of the DHF. During this period the life in all the USSR was marked by struggle against opposition and eradication of heterodoxy. First of all, it was shown in carrying out of such campaigns, as struggle against servility before the West and struggle against cosmopolitism which, however, had specific features in the conditions of Siberia. Serious changes in political life of the DHF, especially in the students environment, occurred after the well-known 20th Congress of the CPSU. However, in the second half of 1940s-1950s the DHF of TSU, owing to the remoteness from the country centre did not suffer considerably from the majority of ideological campaigns though some echoes did come to Tomsk. But these campaigns in TSU were not noted by large-scale reprisals and actions. They were limited only to the analysis of personal affairs at general meetings and some updating in the educational and scientific processes. To see the reason why the reprisals at the department during ideological campaigns did not reach the scope, it is necessary to understand that Tomsk was at a distance from capital cities, the behavior of administration and professorial and teaching staff of the DHF was wise, because they did not allow conflict situations to become aggravated, including the time after the 20th Congress.

Обеспечение школьного обучения за рубежом рассматривается в Министерстве иностранных дел ФРГ как одно из основных направлений внешней политики в области культуры и образования страны, благодаря которому реализуется стратегия по распространению за рубежом знаний о немецком языке, немецкой культуре, поддержке соотечественников и укреплению позитивного имиджа Германии. В работе анализируется система среднего образования Германии за рубежом, в том числе с точки зрения ее институционального оформления и исторической перспективы ; Globalisation has radically changed the international relations, including the sphere of culture. Germans were the first, who understood that for successful distribution of values, traditions and the German language in the world is important to pay a special attention to the cultural dimension of foreign policy. In the 21 century the Federal Republic of Germany already had the corresponding network of the political and scientific foundations as well as cultural institutes all over the world. Today German schools abroad remain to be such tools in the field of foreign cultural and education policy providing quality secondary education abroad according to German educational standards. For more than a hundred years Germany has been spending one third of its "cultural budget" to support its schools abroad. It allows the German Foreign Ministry to provide successfully the strategy of distribution knowledge of German language, culture, support of compatriots and positive image of Germany. It will be interesting for a variety of reasons to consider the system of the German secondary schools abroad: First of all, functioning under the umbrella of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, these institutes have a long and very rich history. Their financing from the state budget also has been entered for the first time in the world practice in Germany in 1870s. The second reason is characterised by its practical component: for many years the German schools and language institutes abroad have been productively working in the Russian Federation and in the CIS-countries. Undoubtedly, their activities should represent a great interest for the Russian experience, taking in mind that the Russian foreign ministry is currently concentrating its efforts on the Russian language popularisation and support of compatriots abroad. The interest to this topic can be also explained by a growing role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the world politics. After the unification process has been finished Germany represents the new state trying to strengthen its foreign policy. It appears that studying the German foreign policy network has a big practical importance. In the following article the author analyses the system of the German secondary education abroad as the instrument supplementing the German foreign policy network from the point of its institutional structure and historical perspective. The article is based on a wide range of information material of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and German Bundestag as well as that of the German Centre of School Education Abroad. Among the literature on this topic it is essential to underline the works of Klaus Winter, the professor in University of Oldenburg, and Berthold Witte, the politician and publicist, who paid a special attention to historical and political aspects of the German schools functioning abroad.

The aim of this work was to analyze The Formation of Lithuanian Reform Movement by raising a question whether the Reform Movement micro-network formed on the preexisting network basis and what had a reason for its extention. The assumptions of the Reform Movement are analyzed through the methodological access of the social network analysis. The formation of the Reform Movement is analyzed in two sections: the micro-network and individual level. Micro-network analysis section will help to examine on what social network The Reform Movement support groups were forming in Šiauliai and Trakai districts. It is worthwhile to investigate the micro-level network because it reflects the internal dynamics of collective action among network members and the relationship between existing configuration. This level of analysis shows how the relatively static social structure transforms into a dynamic collective action. The individual level helps to find out the reasons of involvement in the mass movements of micro-network, social environment practises (taking into account the fear, confidence factors), also helps to find out the impact of Šiauliai and Trakai districts for micro-network formation. The structure of micro-network formation and the role of people acting in the movement were analyzed using the social network theory. In this work there was hypothesized that the formation of micro-networks was influenced by early local network problems and interpersonal networks. Social network analysis in Šiauliai and Trakai approved the hypothesis of this work. The study showed that previously existed local problems in Trakai strongly influenced the early formation of the Movement of micro-network, while the formation of the Movement in Šiauliai was influenced by the previously existed interpersonal networks. The qualitative research showed that the Movement formed from multiple individual initiatives that often invoked ecological and environmental problems. It should be noted that the Movement for the further development of micro network has a significant impact on professional relationships, on which were based largely created support groups. Looking into weak and strong networks, noted that there was a greater impact of weak based bounded groups. Further studies exploring the formation of the Movement could focus on the influence of the Soviet underground organizations understanding what was the impact of the Movement on the social micro-network and its development. It is also important to investigate the underground network led to the emergence of the Movement. It is worthwile to examine the support groups of students, theri motivation for engaging in the Movement. The Movement is poorly researched in terms of political sociology, and there are many aspects of the analysis of many sections which can deal with this broad social movement. It is also important to investigate the underground network led to the emergence of the Movement Movement. It is worthwhile to examine the involvement of students and the mass movement, which encouraged students to develop support groups, as has been widely school network support group. Movement is poorly researched in terms of political sociology, and there are many aspects of the analysis of many sections, which can deal with this broad social movement.