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Interaktives Tool hilft bei der Wahlentscheidung Welchen Raum nehmen deine politischen Ziele in den Wahlprogrammen der deutschen Parteien zur Bundestagswahl 2021 ein? Juliane Hanel, Marvin Müller und Leonie Schwichtenberg (studentische Hilfskräfte im Manifesto-Projekt am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB)) haben … Weiterlesen →

After the London Congress of the Communist League, Marx and Engels worked togther on the organization's manifesto, which was completed in December 1847. In January 1848 it was approved by the Central Authority of the Communist League. In February 1848, it was first printed (in German) at League member J.E. Burghard's London printshop (46 Liverpool Street). The Manifesto remains one of the world's greatest political documents in content, style and influence.

Commonly known as The Communist Manifesto , the Manifesto of the Communist Party (in German ""Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei"") has been one of the most influential political documents in the world, having a far-reaching effect on twentieth-century political organization. In this 1848 publication, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels expound the program and purpose of the Communist League who commissioned the work. A critique of the Capitalist order of the time

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Foreword -- Chapter 1: What's Love Got to Do with It? Our Middle Ages, Ourselves -- Chapter 2: Don't Know Much about the Middle Ages? Towards Flat(ter) Futures of Engagement -- Chapter 3: Intervention One: Residual Medievalisms in Eastern Bavaria -- Chapter 4: Intervention Two: Race and Medievalism at Atlanta's Rhodes Hall -- Chapter 5: Intervention Three: Medievalism, Religion, and Temporality -- Chapter 6: Manifesto: Six (Not So) Little Medievalisms -- Further Reading

The Metahuman Futures Manifesto has been revised and approved by the Lesvos Metahuman Futures Assembly-Chorus, following the first draft discussed at 1st Metahuman Futures Forum in Lesvos in 2022.

When I was writing my dissertation, my wise supervisor advised me to 'aim for defendable'. In this piece, I have done the opposite. I could defend its indefensibility by framing it as an example of 'dirty writing' (Pullen & Rhodes, 2008), built to make room for the raw, uncertain, and intemperate – but that move seems a little contradictory. Rather than looking for a rational argument, readers might like to pay attention to the thoughts and feelings it provokes in them; being provocative is, after all, one of the key goals of a manifesto.

Contains the "Communist Manifesto," several essays discussing the historical background of the manifesto and its influence today, all of the prefaces to the manifesto used during Marx and Engels' lifetime, and Engels' "Principles of Communism."

Civilizations fail when they become trapped in a way of looking at the world that no longer works. For many, globalization is pushing us to the edge of disaster - an onward march of blinkered vision, encouraging passivity, moral blindness and a culture of dependency.A Community Manifesto is an elegantly written polemic offering a new way of looking at our social, cultural and economic realities. Tackling the crucial dimensions of personal responsibility, consensus and community, it shows how we can find a new language through which we can reinvigorate our individual and social lives, developing the resourcefulness we need but which proves so difficult to cultivate. The vision it presents is persuasive and very timely - only by building community can human society evolve and progress.

Digital technologies have helped consolidate the wealth and influence of a small number of people. By taking advantage of flexible labor and by shifting accountability to individuals, sharing economy platforms have furthered insecure conditions for racial, ethnic, and sexual minorities, women, indigenous people, migrants, and peoples in the Global South. At the same time, precarity has become increasingly generalized, expanding to the creative class and digital producers themselves. If networked lives are always imagined as productive, virtuous, connective, and efficient, it is clear that these networks are broken. Written by Precarity Lab, a group of intergenerational, transnational feminist and people and women of color scholars, this manifesto envisions a new approach to digital studies. It argues for a new analytic for tracing how precarity unfolds across disparate geographic sites and cultural practices in the digital age.

Front Cover -- Half-Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Manifesto of the Communist Party -- Chapter I. Bourgeois and Proletarians -- Chapter II. Proletarians and Communists -- Chapter III. Socialist and Communist Literature -- 1. Reactionary Socialism -- 2. Conservative, or Bourgeois, Socialism -- 3. Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism -- Chapter IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties.

"Bohos are perhaps best described as a group of trust fund artists, broke charismatics, leisure scientists, office averse entrepreneurs, surfer-environmentalists, and/or bon vivant partiers who lead seminomadic, unconventional lives. Their approach to life is based more on creativity than money, but having a few rich friends with homes by a good surf break doesn't hurt. Instead of a luxury hotel, you might find a boho camped out in a teepee in Ibiza, or in a yurt in Mongolia wearing an Oaxacan serape and Valentino espadrilles. It's definitely fun to live vicariously through the lens of these fabulous individuals--what they wear, where they travel to, what they do in their leisure time--and with The Boho Manifesto, it's finally all accessible. Here we learn about the New Mindfulness, including how to enter a state of 'flow' and why to use mala beads, palo santo sticks, crystals, and mandalas for meditation. Topics in the "Body" chapter include AcroYoga, sound baths, natural deodorant, Tantric sex, beauty botanists, and Reiki. When it comes to food, it's all about the new hyphenated cuisine--"cold-pressed," "grass-fed," and 'free-range'--along with backyard foraging and fermentation. When it comes to work, it's about coworking spaces, laptops in paradise, the Micro-Gurus, and never again committing to a 9-to-5 job"--

This paper shows the fundamental connection between feminism, anarchism, transindividualism and ecology, and argues that an anarcha-feminism – a feminism without hierarchies – is the key to defeating all forms of oppression, whether they are perpetrated on a political, sexual, economic, or racial basis. Beginning with a description of the condition of minority-status and exposure to violence in which women all over the world find themselves, the paper identifies the traditional tools of domination that the "first sex" uses to maintain its primacy. The most powerful of these tools is the State, in which almost all of the key roles are held by men. On these grounds, this manifesto points out that overthrowing the patriarchy is not possible without the simultaneous subversion of the current juridical-political-economic structure, namely without overcoming national borders and freeing ourselves from the most subtle form of state control: the control over gender identity. This is because, as the paper argues, drawing insights from an ontology of the transindividual, bodies in general and women's bodies in particular, are not individuals, objects given once and for all, but rather never complete processes. In this social ontology, the environment turns out to be constitutive of our individuality; therefore, a transindividual approach to feminism naturally leads to a form of eco-feminism in which not simply human forms of life but all animate and inanimate bodies are involved. Anarcha-feminism means that all forms of oppression are somehow connected because all bodies are connected and it is therefore not possible to fight one form of domination without fighting them all.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. ; This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties' electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party's future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this "mediation assumption" empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties' electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties' electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties' issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties' electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party's future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this "mediation assumption" empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties' electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties' electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties' issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition. ; Dissertationsschrift / PhD Thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2017 ; Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb.