Search results

Not Available ; The Integrated Watershed Management Programme (IWMP) is the result of the new and unified approach of the GOI for treatment and development of the new generation watersheds in a realistic and holistic manner. The Government of India through the National Rainfed Area Authority (NRAA) has evolved the Common Guidelines, 2008 for implementation of the Watershed Development Projects. The major areas in which paradigm shift has been made under the programme are, inter-alia, institutional funding of the State Government through the State Level Nodal Agency (SLNA) at the State Level, constitution of District and Project Level Institutions for implementation of the projects for the Participatory Watershed projects with financial, social and economic empowerment to the watershed communities in close coordination with the local institutions. Another aspect is the equity and participatory resources management with due regards to the economically weaker section within the village community. The Central and State share for the IWMP projects is in the ratio of 90:10. The main aims of this programme are as follows:  To restore the ecological balance by harnessing, conserving and developing degraded natural resources such as soil, vegetative cover and water.  The outcomes are prevention of soil run-off, soil loss.  Regeneration of natural vegetation.  Rain water harvesting and recharging of the ground Water table.  Enabling multi-cropping and the introduction of diverse agro-based activities, which help to provide sustainable livelihoods to the people residing in the watershed area. The main objectives of this programme are as follows:  To dissipate soil and water erosion and surface run-off.  To harvest/recycle surface runoff and rainwater.  To enhance soil moisture regime/water holding capacity.  To promote sub-surface flow, base flow and ground water recharge.  To improve soil health and tilth.  To improve production and productivity.  To promote generation and gainful employment opportunities. The Salient feature of this project duration is from 4 years to 7 years depending upon nature of activities spread over distinct phase viz., preparatory phase, works phase and consolidation phase. Conservation, productivity and livelihoods: Conservation is to be given priority resulting in productivity enhancement and livelihoods. Resource development and usage is to be planned to promote farming and allied activities to create local livelihoods while ensuring resources conservation and regeneration. Size: The new approach envisages a broader vision of geo-hydrological units normally of average size of 1,000 to 5,000 hectares comprising of clusters of micro-watersheds. ; Not Available

Conflicts have existed for generations worldwide. In sub-Saharan Africa, conflicts occur for various reasons, including inter-tribal or clanist tensions, resource disputes, and externally instigated wars. These conflicts may persist unabated for generations, and can take on different dimensions. When a major conflict breaks out in one country, refugees often move in search of security and basic services (including food), creating major spill-overs that affect the entire region, placing considerable strain on local capacities to manage the food and nutrition needs of local populations and refugees. A sizeable proportion of the land making up sub-Saharan Africa is arid or semi-arid, rendering it unable to sustain livelihoods in any meaningful manner. Furthermore, this region often suffers from political turmoil and poor governance practices. This paper focuses on East Africa, a region that suffers from political, economic and environmental fragility. Few previous papers have examined the detrimental interactions between conflict and economic policy (as represented by reduced resources and limited organizational capacity for public services) in Sub-Saharan Africa nor have many studies examined the traditional coping strategies that sub-Saharan communities may use to resolve conflict. This paper attempts to describe the underlying reasons for the repeated hunger crises on the African continent, particularly in East Africa, followed by a brief analysis of additional factors that may exacerbate such emergencies. One key question is: What can be done to prevent these types of situations, and why haven't we found a lasting solution? It seems that these problems and their lack of management are largely due to policy failures and lack of political will. In regions of the world that experience earthquakes, hurricanes and typhoons (Africa does not), help may be obtained from outside the country, but the national governments themselves oversee the reconstruction and recovery aspects. In East Africa, in contrast, external assistance is required not only for the immediate disaster response, but also for subsequent development and reconstruction. Why don't governments in this region prepare for these nearly annual events? Furthermore, given that this is an insecure region, why don't the governments enact measures aimed at maintaining peace and security, which are necessary for effective development? One means to ensure peace and security in this troubled region is through strategies aimed at enhancing food productivity and access. Furthermore, good governance based on democratic representation of all citizens is key to preventing poverty, hunger, malnutrition, disease and conflict, leading to the attainment of harmony and balance in society. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; GRP26 ; DGO

El punto de partida del presente estudio es la concepción de la relación de la universidad con su entorno productivo como una de las iniciativas económicoproductivas de la comunidad, que bajo formas asociativas y democráticas, intenta reproducir capacidad para extender a la sociedad la generación de bienes y servicios de calidad, e incluir en la gestión dinámicas productivas; es lo que se entiende como "integración del desarrollo". Se revisa institucionales de involucramiento en el desarrollo del país, deben reproducirse desde la universidad y el sector productivo. Dentro de las más elementales capacidades que propenden a la integración del desarrollo, están contempladas las competencias optimización y hasta la maximización de logros, en actividades que son estratégicas para toda organización. Se precisan como las más elementales de estas capacidades, la servir y vender, búsqueda y gestión de capital de trabajo, sondeo y conducción de personal nichos, clientes o mercados, entre las más relevantes capacidades que han marcado indicadores de una gestión productiva en muchas empresas. ; The starting point of the present study is the conception of the relationship of the university with its productive environment ace one of the economic-prodctive initiatives of the community that lower associative and democratic forms, he/she tries to reproduces capacity to extend to the society the generation of goods and services of quality, and to include in the institutional administration to traditionally segregated sectors of the productive dynamics; it is what understands each other as "integration of the development". Administrative literature is revised to declares competitions that by the light of the institutional purposes of implications in the development of the country, they should reproduces from the university and the productive sector. Inside the most elementary competitions that propend to the integral development, the managerial competitions are contemplated, that is to say, the competitions referred to basic processes that point to the optimization and until the maximization of achievements in activities that are strategic for all organization. They are necessary as the most elementary in these competitions, the search a and handling in new ways of organization of the work stops in to take place and to sell, search and handling of work capital, search a and authorized personnel´s handling, search a and technology handling, and, search and hadling of new niches, clients or markets, among the most excellent managerial competitions that have marked administration indicators in many companies. ; berrio@cantv.net ; semestral

How to mobilize a traumatic national history on behalf of a less fractured polity? How to gain closure over a past that bifurcates the nation and establishes (at least) two national histories — history as told by the victims and by the perpetrators, now to be replaced by a history, as Mark Sanders (2003: 79) describes it, not of `bare facts but, at a crucial level, a history judged, and thus shaped, according to norms of universal human rights'. How to engineer through politics the creation of new national selves, no longer pathologically attached to old and circumscribed forms of identification? These are now the critical questions confronting many elites: the overcoming of traumatic memory through various publicly mandated `technologies of the self'. To heal the nation requires the curing of the self. The politics of social repair understands itself largely through a psychologically inflected vocabulary of regret, apology, and forgiveness — the language of reconciliation. `Social cure', or reconciliation is understood as a process of social healing. In the face of traumatic ruptures in the body politic, in short, governments have sought to repair past wrongs and to heal an emotionally infirmed community. Such politics imply that societies have the capacity to repair themselves, to overcome traumatic pasts, just as an individual possesses the potential to overcome his or her own psychic trauma and fragmentation. But what evidence is there to support the claim that trauma — even for the individual — can be overcome, that history can be overridden, that forgiveness is possible? Psychoanalysis offers the most fully developed systematic body of work embracing a concept of the healing of the self. The article's aim, based upon an empirically derived (case-based) psychoanalysis, is to move toward a more robust theory of self-transformation and political reconciliation in post-traumatic communities. Thus, the article considers contemporary psychoanalytic evidence and asks of it the following questions: How is traumatic experience in the past recovered, and disabled, in the present? Is it necessary through memory to `return to the scene of the crime', in order to move beyond it? What features in the present-day therapeutic setting and in the therapeutic relationship promote healing? The objective is a grounded theory of reconciliation that includes discussion for whole societies of the role of historical recovery in social repair, the relation of the present to the past in self-constitution, and the requisite structure of the present-day reparative community to promote self-transformations.

This thesis show how the concept of association in France, in the answers to the "social question" to XIXe and XXe century, was polarized by the two dominant ways of justification : liberalism and Welfare State. At the XIXe century, we show how association's concept mainly thinks in articulation with the liberalism and at the XXe century how it thinks in bond with Welfare State. But for each one of these periods, association was not folded back on one of these dominant ways of justification, she brings an innovation's capacity. The term of polarization was selected meaning by there association is never folded one of these dominant ways of justification but only attract, she keep an autonomy : at the XIXe century, association supplements the "liberal diagram" by instituting a moral framework which guides the individual actions towards the interest general; at the XIXe century, association reinforces the democratic dimension of the State by proposing specific answers to the social problems. ; Cette thèse cherche à montrer comment la notion d'association en France, dans les réponses qu'elle a apportées à la question sociale au XIXe et XXe siècle, s'est trouvée polarisée par les deux schèmes de justification dominants que sont le libéralisme économique et l'Etat social. Au XIXe siècle, on montre comment la notion d'association a été majoritairement pensée en articulation avec le libéralisme économique et au XXe siècle comment elle a été pensée en lien avec l'Etat social. Pour autant, pour chacune de ces périodes, l'association ne s'est pas trouvée rabattue sur un de ces schèmes dominants faisant ainsi preuve d'une capacité de questionnement et d'innovation. Pour résumer ce lien complexe que l'association entretient avec le libéralisme économique et l'Etat social, le terme de polarisation a été choisi signifiant par là que l'association n'est jamais rabattue sur un schème dominant mais qu'elle est seulement attirée et garde une part d'autonomie. Ainsi, si l'association s'est inscrite dans les logiques dominantes de réponse à la question sociale, cela ne l'a pas empêchée d'en pointer à chaque fois des limites. Au XIXe siècle, elle complète le schéma libéral en instituant un cadre moral qui guide les actions individuelles vers l'intérêt général ; au XXe, elle cherche à renforcer la dimension démocratique de l'Etat en proposant des réponses spécifiques aux problèmes sociaux. Centrée sur une analyse de discours et un choix qualitatif d'auteurs, la notion d'association telle qu'elle ressort de ce travail, est à prendre dans un sens étendu. Elle illustre avant tout une forme d'organisation sociale cherchant à assurer la cohésion sociale.

Current report aims to identify major existing gaps in the five socio-economic dimensions (economic, human, openness, environmental, and institutional) and to reveal those gaps which could potentially hinder social and economic integration of neighbor states with the EU. To achieve this, the authors aim to assess the existing trends in the size of the gaps across countries and problem areas, taking into consideration the specific origin of the gap between EU15/EU12, on the one hand, and FSU republics, EU candidates and West Balkan countries, on the other hand. The paper is structured as follows: 1. A review of literature on the determinants of growth and development and the analysis of the catching up process between countries or groups of countries. 2. An analysis of the historic roots and origins of the development gap, and its evolvement over time. 3. A review of literature sources, draft analysis of primary statistical data, and qualitative explanations of gaps and divergences in selected development issues across the following socio-economic dimensions: level of economic development and convergence rates based on Real GDP (application of methodology testing β and σ convergence to the set of countries analyzed); * quality of life and its components (poverty, inequality, health status and health care, access to fresh water and sanitation facilities, subjective perceptions of well-being); * human capital and labor market development, including level of education and public spending on education, its accessibility and quality, main differences in labor market development (employment participation rates and levels of unemployment, new jobs creation and labor protection legislation); * innovation potential, including R&D, information and communication technologies, and institutional environment; * openness and trade potential, including trade in goods and services, FDI stocks, trade regime and performance in logistics and infrastructure; * environmental performance in terms of environmental stresses, efforts aimed at their reduction, and institutional capacity; * business climate, political institutions, and other institutional indicators (econometric analysis). 4. A test econometric analysis of development gaps across selected dimensions by using a Principal Components Method (PCM). The results are further presented in the form of ranks of countries analyzed reflecting their distances from EU15 in respective aggregate averages. Special attention is paid to gender-related development issues. Respective issues in human capital and labor market study, as well as variables included into PCM analysis were supplemented with relative gender data. Several conclusions finalize the report.

Whilst the nature of family responsibility is a traditionnal issue, recent concerns on the nature of parenting conveys a deep questioning on the Welfare state's capacity to support families in their aim to protect and raise their children in a fulfilling environment. In this climate of uncertainty, a process of "mythification" (Cresson, 2006) of family is expected to emerge. Whether approved or not, this process leads to present family as "the cause of the negative effects occuring rather than the place where they occur" (Beck, 2001). In this search for a person to blame which is typical of risk societies, it could be appealing to consider family as the root for all evil in modern life. Contradictory views on its social function create a vagueness on its role but also great expectations: it is hence tempting, in a utilitarist perspective, to sum up everything to a "family affair". Is family a vector of risk? This plurisdisciplinary literature review will attempt to find out how various subjects such as education, epidemiology, psychology and sociology understand the relationship between family and juvenile high-risk practises. ; Si les questions sur la responsabilité des familles sont anciennes, les récents débats autour de la parentalité traduisent – au-delà d'une inquiétude médiatisée et politisée des effets des évolutions de la vie familiale – une interrogation profonde sur les capacités de l'État, à travers des politiques publiques, à donner l'opportunité à chaque famille de protéger et d'élever les siens dans un climat propice à l'épanouissement de chacun. Dans ce contexte de doute, il n'est donc pas étonnant d'assister à une «mythification» (Cresson 2006) de la famille. Qu'elle soit applaudie ou accusée, ce double mouvement revient in fine à présenter la famille comme étant «non le lieu mais la cause de ce qui se produit» (Beck 2001). Dans cette recherche de responsabilité qui caractérise les sociétés des risques, il peut ainsi être séduisant de présenter la famille comme l'origine d'une partie des maux de la société. Parce que les discours contradictoires se multiplient sur sa fonction dans la société, que ce flou catalyse les critiques mais aussi les espérances les plus folles la tentation est grande, dans une perspective qu'on peut soupçonner d'être teintée d'utilitarisme, de tout ramener à une «affaire de famille» La famille risquogène? Ce sera l'enjeu de cette revue de littérature pluridisciplinaire qui tentera de comprendre comment les sciences de l'éducation familiale, l'épidémiologie, la psychologie et la sociologie conceptualisent le lien entre famille et pratiques à risque juvéniles.

Whilst the nature of family responsibility is a traditionnal issue, recent concerns on the nature of parenting conveys a deep questioning on the Welfare state's capacity to support families in their aim to protect and raise their children in a fulfilling environment. In this climate of uncertainty, a process of "mythification" (Cresson, 2006) of family is expected to emerge. Whether approved or not, this process leads to present family as "the cause of the negative effects occuring rather than the place where they occur" (Beck, 2001). In this search for a person to blame which is typical of risk societies, it could be appealing to consider family as the root for all evil in modern life. Contradictory views on its social function create a vagueness on its role but also great expectations: it is hence tempting, in a utilitarist perspective, to sum up everything to a "family affair". Is family a vector of risk? This plurisdisciplinary literature review will attempt to find out how various subjects such as education, epidemiology, psychology and sociology understand the relationship between family and juvenile high-risk practises. ; Si les questions sur la responsabilité des familles sont anciennes, les récents débats autour de la parentalité traduisent – au-delà d'une inquiétude médiatisée et politisée des effets des évolutions de la vie familiale – une interrogation profonde sur les capacités de l'État, à travers des politiques publiques, à donner l'opportunité à chaque famille de protéger et d'élever les siens dans un climat propice à l'épanouissement de chacun. Dans ce contexte de doute, il n'est donc pas étonnant d'assister à une «mythification» (Cresson 2006) de la famille. Qu'elle soit applaudie ou accusée, ce double mouvement revient in fine à présenter la famille comme étant «non le lieu mais la cause de ce qui se produit» (Beck 2001). Dans cette recherche de responsabilité qui caractérise les sociétés des risques, il peut ainsi être séduisant de présenter la famille comme l'origine d'une partie des maux de la société. Parce que les discours contradictoires se multiplient sur sa fonction dans la société, que ce flou catalyse les critiques mais aussi les espérances les plus folles la tentation est grande, dans une perspective qu'on peut soupçonner d'être teintée d'utilitarisme, de tout ramener à une «affaire de famille» La famille risquogène? Ce sera l'enjeu de cette revue de littérature pluridisciplinaire qui tentera de comprendre comment les sciences de l'éducation familiale, l'épidémiologie, la psychologie et la sociologie conceptualisent le lien entre famille et pratiques à risque juvéniles.

Aceh befindet sich seit der Dezentralisierungspolitik Indonesiens Ende der 1990er Jahre, der Tsunamikatastrophe 2004 und der Unterzeichnung des Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) 2005 in einer politischen, kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen Transformation. Die Situation der Frauen in Aceh ist geprägt durch Repressionen aufgrund der Einführung der Scharia, durch Einflussnahme von internationalen Hilfsorganisationen nach dem Tsunami und durch die Neuordnung der Region Acehsseit den Autonomieverhandlungen. Der Transformationsprozess bringt große Herausforderungen für die Frauen in Aceh mit sich und beinhaltet zugleich die Chance zur Mitgestaltung. So entwerfen Frauenaktivistinnen innerhalb des Spannungsfeldes islamische Religiosität, traditionell-kulturelle Strukturen und westliche Wertevorstellungen, Positionen und Strategien, um ihren Wunsch nach Geschlechtergerechtigkeit durchzusetzen. Mein Artikel beleuchtet die Frage, welche Rolle Frauenaktivistinnen innerhalb des Transformationsprozesses einnehmen und welche Chancen, Möglichkeiten und Hindernisse es gibt, um Einfluss auf politische und gesellschaftliche Prozesse zu nehmen. ; Aceh, Indonesia's westernmost province is in a process of political, social and cultural transformation, which is caused by three main factors. First, the process of decentralisation, launched by the government of Indonesia starting from the end of the 1990s and as a consequence of the implementation of sharia bylaws since 2001, second, the tsunami calamity 2004 and third, the peace process starting with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) 2005 between representatives of the Government of Indonesia and the Acehnese freedom movement GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka). Today's situation of women in Aceh is influenced by repressions due to a conservative interpretation of Islam, by the impact of international aid organisations, which entered Aceh after the tsunami and by the political, social and cultural reconstruction of Aceh since the beginning of the peace process. The transformation process causes huge challenges for women and at the same time provides a wide range of opportunities for participation and modelling the new province Aceh. In this vibrant atmosphere, where tensions between Islamic religiosity, traditional-cultural structures and Western values are immense, women activists design positions and strategies to aim their desire of gender justice, equity and women's rights. The present impact of the multiple efforts of women activists to take influence in the political and socio-cultural area can be described as opening a window of opportunities. They could benefit from emancipative objectives of international organisations and from the national and international monetary funds. Women activists could develop capacity and raise their bargaining power through the networks with international organisations. Hurdles in the long-term success of implementing the aims of woman activists are the short time-frames of the aid-programmes and the top-down approach of most programmes. The power of the political elite in Aceh and of religious leaders is strong and the agendas of woman activists are constrained by socio-political and religious acceptance.

Recalling one of Dewey thoughts there is a consensus among educators that we should regard early childhood settings and schools as learning spaces for democracy through real life experiences of democratic life. Conceptions of self-centred child, with few realistic ideas about the world and about oneself, make democratic living at the kindergarten impossible. Consequently, democracy learning expresses itself, often in Portuguese early childhood curricula, in the learning of values and morals imposed by the early childhood teacher. These practices are opposite to research results that point to the advantage in children participating in competency development (Bennett, 2004) which is essential to democracy learning. Changing conceptions culturally rooted about the child /children and the curriculum has been in our concern in the early childhood teachers' initial training (Aveiro University and Santarém Polytechnic Institute). Keeping that purpose in mind, we developed a research project of investigation-action-training with some teacher students and their supervisors. In this paper we present some results from the study developed with 18 teacher-students and 5 supervisors. We present some conclusions and reflection of this study based on content analysis of their learning portfolios and on semi-structured interviews to teacher-students and their teacher supervisors. The results point to the emergence of some ideas inherent to the conception of the child as a social actor with the capacity and ability of participating in the social life. - Resgatando um dos pensamentos de Dewey é consensual entre os educadores a ideia de que devemos encarar as instituições educativas como espaços de aprendizagem da democracia através de experiências de vida democrática. As concepções de criança auto-centrada, com ideias pouco realistas sobre o mundo e sobre si própria, impossibilitam a vida democrática no Jardim de infância. Consequentemente, a aprendizagem da democracia traduz-se, muitas vezes, nos currículos em Portugal, numa aprendizagem de valores baseada numa moralização imposta pelo educador. Estas práticas contrariam indicações oriundas da investigação que apontam para vantagens da participação das crianças quanto ao desenvolvimento de competências (Bennett, 2004) que consideramos essenciais à vida numa sociedade democrática. Com intuito de mudar concepções culturalmente enraizadas sobre criança e currículo, desenvolvemos um projecto de investigação-acção-formação com alunos estagiários e educadores supervisores. As reflexões que apresentamos resultam da análise de conteúdo realizada aos portefólios de aprendizagem dos alunos e a entrevistas semi-estruturadas realizadas a alunos e educadores. Os resultados indicam alguma apropriação de ideias inerentes à concepção de criança actor social, com capacidade de participação na vida social.

This paper explores the transferability and application of business-driven strategic thinking to that of a public sector context, namely national mapping organisations. These organisations exist throughout the world because the economies of the world require geospatial information to support economic and social growth. As such their strategic positioning within government is of prime importance. In South Africa, however, there is a paucity of knowledge in this regard and consequently triggered the research which forms the basis of this paper.A macro-environmental analysis suggests significant growth opportunities for the South African geospatial industry, fuelled by a micro-industry borne out of the 2010 Soccer World Cup event. A profile description of the characteristics of consequence, boundaries between the private and public the industry and expected changes reflect a large industry which is expanding at a rapid rate but is fragmented and displays a complex network-system of inter and intra-industry relationships. As such it is attracting increasing numbers of competitors but, as an industry, appears to be slow to adjust to technological advancement. An internal analysis of the value chain of the National Mapping Organisation (NMO), the single most important player in the local public sector geospatial industry, reveals significant value creation in its inhouse activities. However, the external deconstructed operations, outbound logistics and procurement processes are not allowing the organisation to realise any benefits from efficiencies it may introduce. Key to achieving efficiencies lies in the human capital, which by all accounts, it is failing to retain.Future strategic thrusts for the NMO have been identified by constructing a SWOT model and by analysing its relative competitive strength. These thrusts were found to concentrate on actions and themes related to staff, communication, marketing, general management, production (cost and capacity) and product (quality and innovation). Interpreting and applying those themes on an interorganisational basis will enable the NMO to best position itself in the industry. In this regard sufficient related strategic fit is evident between the value chains of the NMO, The Satellite Application Centre (SAC) and Statistics South Africa (Stats SA), enabling the NMO to leverage on the sales, marketing and distribution activities of SAC and the financial leveraging capabilities of Stats SA.This paper has presented an example of how delivering an efficient and effective service delivery may be hampered through the inappropriate strategic configuration of South African public sector activities. It is therefore suggested that the government revisits the strategic positioning of public sector organisations engaged in the provision of geospatial information.

International trade continues to grow every year as nations expand their global sales and new nations join in. Today, over 225 nations are active in trade resulting in over $9 Trillion dollars in global business every year. Ethiopia, though existing part is small in amount, is one of those nations that incessantly increase their contribution in this global business. However, in Ethiopia, as in some other African countries, the export business is dominated by agricultural products accounting roughly for 70-80 per cent of export earnings. One of the common complaints, from Ethiopian agricultural product Exporters, is that they receive minimal support from their banks for export trade transactions. After spending significant time and resources to develop export sales, they often can not secure the funds they need to complete the orders. Thus a key finance service specifically required by these exporters is a short term working capital loan that is used to fulfill international sales orders. Consequently, the main purpose of this study was assessing the utilization of pre- shipment loan by agricultural product exporters in Ethiopia; focusing on those products which hold the highest fraction in the export business. The result of the study in general suggests that the provision of pre shipment working capital credit is characterized by a continuous increasing trend with annual average growth rate of 147% for three consecutive years from 2004- 2006.Although the provision of pre shipment working capital loan increases more than 100% annually, it still constitute small percentage of the total loan provided by the banks. And also the amount of pre shipment export credit in the study period is found to be very low relative to the total export value in the same period. For this reason the researcher suggests that, in order to satisfy needs of exporters in the country and benefit from the opportunities in the international market by expanding the export business, the disbursement of pre shipment credit should be increased more than what actually exists. This can be achieved through encouraging and supporting commercial banks to provide the loan to small and medium emerging exporters who have little experience and knowledge about the foreign trade; easing the requirements of both the commercial banks and government guarantee schemes; facilitating other export financing mechanisms; enhancing the capacity and experience of emerging agricultural product exporters about the international business; and strengthening and increasing the capability of those sectors which are organized with the aim of expanding the export sector in Ethiopia like Ethiopian export promotion agency

Whilst the nature of family responsibility is a traditionnal issue, recent concerns on the nature of parenting conveys a deep questioning on the Welfare state's capacity to support families in their aim to protect and raise their children in a fulfilling environment. In this climate of uncertainty, a process of "mythification" (Cresson, 2006) of family is expected to emerge. Whether approved or not, this process leads to present family as "the cause of the negative effects occuring rather than the place where they occur" (Beck, 2001). In this search for aperson to blame which is typical of risk societies, it could be appealing to consider family as the root for all evil in modern life. Contradictory views on its social function create a vagueness on its role but also great expectations: it is hence tempting, in a utilitarist perspective, to sum up everything to a "family affair". Is family a vector of risk? This plurisdisciplinary literature review will attempt to find out how various subjects such as education, epidemiology, psychology and sociology understand the relationship between family and juvenile high-risk practises. ; Si les questions sur la responsabilité des familles sont anciennes, les récents débats autour de la parentalité traduisent – au-delà d'une inquiétude médiatisée et politisée des effets des évolutions de la vie familiale – une interrogation profonde sur les capacités de l'État, à travers des politiques publiques, à donner l'opportunité à chaque famille de protéger et d'élever les siens dans un climat propice à l'épanouissement de chacun. Dans ce contexte de doute, il n'est donc pas étonnant d'assister à une « mythification » (Cresson 2006) de lafamille. Qu'elle soit applaudie ou accusée, ce double mouvement revient in fine à présenter la famille comme étant « non le lieu mais la cause de ce qui se produit » (Beck 2001). Dans cette recherche de responsabilité qui caractérise les sociétés des risques, il peut ainsi être séduisant de présenter la famille comme l'origine d'une partie des maux de la société. Parce que les discours contradictoires se multiplient sur sa fonction dans la société, que ce flou catalyse les critiques mais aussi les espérances les plus folles la tentation est grande, dansune perspective qu'on peut soupçonner d'être teintée d'utilitarisme, de tout ramener à une « affaire de famille » La famille risquogène ? Ce sera l'enjeu de cette revue de littérature pluridisciplinaire qui tentera de comprendre comment les sciences de l'éducation familiale, l'épidémiologie, la psychologie et la sociologie conceptualisent le lien entre famille et pratiques à risque juvéniles.

Whilst the nature of family responsibility is a traditionnal issue, recent concerns on the nature of parenting conveys a deep questioning on the Welfare state's capacity to support families in their aim to protect and raise their children in a fulfilling environment. In this climate of uncertainty, a process of "mythification" (Cresson, 2006) of family is expected to emerge. Whether approved or not, this process leads to present family as "the cause of the negative effects occuring rather than the place where they occur" (Beck, 2001). In this search for a person to blame which is typical of risk societies, it could be appealing to consider family as the root for all evil in modern life. Contradictory views on its social function create a vagueness on its role but also great expectations: it is hence tempting, in a utilitarist perspective, to sum up everything to a "family affair". Is family a vector of risk? This plurisdisciplinary literature review will attempt to find out how various subjects such as education, epidemiology, psychology and sociology understand the relationship between family and juvenile high-risk practises. ; Si les questions sur la responsabilité des familles sont anciennes, les récents débats autour de la parentalité traduisent – au-delà d'une inquiétude médiatisée et politisée des effets des évolutions de la vie familiale – une interrogation profonde sur les capacités de l'État, à travers des politiques publiques, à donner l'opportunité à chaque famille de protéger et d'élever les siens dans un climat propice à l'épanouissement de chacun. Dans ce contexte de doute, il n'est donc pas étonnant d'assister à une «mythification» (Cresson 2006) de la famille. Qu'elle soit applaudie ou accusée, ce double mouvement revient in fine à présenter la famille comme étant «non le lieu mais la cause de ce qui se produit» (Beck 2001). Dans cette recherche de responsabilité qui caractérise les sociétés des risques, il peut ainsi être séduisant de présenter la famille comme l'origine d'une partie des maux de la société. Parce que les discours contradictoires se multiplient sur sa fonction dans la société, que ce flou catalyse les critiques mais aussi les espérances les plus folles la tentation est grande, dans une perspective qu'on peut soupçonner d'être teintée d'utilitarisme, de tout ramener à une «affaire de famille» La famille risquogène? Ce sera l'enjeu de cette revue de littérature pluridisciplinaire qui tentera de comprendre comment les sciences de l'éducation familiale, l'épidémiologie, la psychologie et la sociologie conceptualisent le lien entre famille et pratiques à risque juvéniles.

Europe's natural gas demand is projected to increase substantially in the future. Even under conservative scenarios, the demand for importing natural gas to the EU will double from 200 billion cubic meters (bcm) per annum in 2002 to 400 bcm by 2030, with total demand rising from 400 bcm to up to 600 bcm in same period. The greater portion of this increase is likely to come from gas producing countries of Eurasia. Indeed, significant untapped production capacity likely to emerge in Europe's neighborhood is mainly located in Russia and the Caspian Sea basin-adjoining the Wider Black Sea region. To transport these energy resources in Europe, of course, requires the building of new transportation networks. Yet unless such alternative delivery options are constructed to bring natural gas from fields in Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan to Europe, Russia is likely to fill the vacuum by controlling the transportation of this region's gas-using its monopoly position in Central Asia to buy gas cheaply and using its monopoly of supply in Europe to sell gas at several times the price to Europe. The Kremlin has been using Russia's recently acquired economic might, by virtue of the high price of oil and unprecedented demand for natural gas, to pursue one of its primary foreign policy goals: to become the world's primary supplier of energy resources. To this end, it keeps a tight grip on purchasing and transporting of the oil and gas resources of the former Soviet Union republics. The tragic incidents of 9/11 and the resulting fundamental reverse of the U.S. geopolitical and strategic priorities, have tremendously favored Russia's international positioning. The great rift that separated western European states and Washington due to the war against Iraq, reinforced Moscow political clout in Europe on one hand, but on the other the political turmoil in Ukraine in the aftermath of the 2004 elections pointed out the always striking importance of the nowadays so-called forgotten geopolitical boundaries of the Cold War era. Evidently, the fall of Communism in December 1991 and the "End of History" was not equally the end of the "Great Game" for the control of the international geopolitical chessboard. Following the Kiev crisis, the sui generis politic and economic modus vivendi between the newly independent states of Eastern Europe and the Russian Federation was severely shocked, the same as the relations between Moscow and Washington.