Search results

Women have had a subordinate position throughout history. Some evidence dates back to ancient Greece, where relations between the master and slaves, father and children, and between men and women were clearly defined in each household. All these relations were based on male domination. Considering the given inequality situation, legal rules were not necessary. Thus, men were "destined" to become rulers and have a dominant role and position in relation to women in family, love, politics or business. Women did not have significant positions in society, nor did they participate to a significant extent in the decision-making processes. In the 20th century, women started raising issues related to gender roles, woman's role and position in society, and gender equality. In recent years, one of the prominent issues is woman's role in warfares and peace-keeping activities, and in the national and international security and defense sectors. The paper provides an overview of different international and national documents that promote active and equal participation of women in peace and security activities, both worldwide and in transition countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Žene su kroz historiju imale podređeni položaj, a dokazi o tome dolaze i iz antičke Grčke, gdje su u svakom kućanstvu odnosi bili definirani između gospodara i robova, oca i djece te specifični odnosi između muškaraca i žena. Svi ti odnosi temeljili su se na dominaciji. Zakoni vlasti nisu bili potrebni s obzirom na ove, već postojeće, situacije nejednakosti. Tako su muškarci bili "predodređeni" da postanu vladari, oni koji imaju dominantnu ulogu u odnosu na žene u svim odnosima - porodici, ljubavnoj politici ili biznisu. Tokom prošle godine pitanje položaja žene u društvo često se dovodilo u vezu sa njenom ulogom u ratu/miru, kao i ulogom u sigurnosnom i odbrambenom sektoru u svijetu, ali i u tranzicijskim zemljama kao što je Bosna i Hercegovina.

Amidst a controversial confrontation between the AK Party government and the Gülen Movement, the 2014 local elections in Turkey became part and parcel of national politics and led voters across the nation to approach local races with an eye on this election season's broader implications. Millions of citizens in Eastern Anatolia and the Southeast, where the Kurds constitute a majority of the population, arguably cast their votes with similar consideration in mind. As such, the elections of March 30, 2014 reaffirmed the dominance of the ruling AK Party and the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), which almost exclusively shouldered the burden of the Kurdish peace process over the past 18 months. After the elections, the BDP announced that it would merge with the People's Democratic Party (HDP) as part of an outreach strategy to become Turkey's main opposition party –a quest that, despite slim chances of success, will guide the Kurdish political movement's future moves ; Türkiye, 30 Mart 2014'te sadece bir yerel seçim yapmadı. Hem Türkiye genelinde hem de Güneydoğu ve Doğu Anadolu Bölgesi özelinde 30 Mart, bir yerel seçim olmanın ötesinde anlamlar kazandı. Bu itibarla seçmenlerin oy davranışlarını etkileyen temel saik, adaylar ve yerel dinamiklerden ziyade, partilerin makro politik tercihleri oldu. Türkiye genelinde seçimin bir genel seçim hüviyetine bürünmesinde iki olay belirleyici oldu: Biri, 17 Aralık 2013'te başlayan ve hükümet ile Gülen Cemaati arasında büyük bir mücadeleye sebep veren operasyonlardı. Diğer ise, yaklaşık birbuçuk yıldır sürdürülmekte olan çözüm süreciydi. Yapılan seçimlerden, genel olarak, AKP ve BDP zafer ile çıktılar. Halk, barış sürecini yükünü omuzlarında taşıyan iki partinin arkasında durdu. Çözüm sürecine mesafeli duran CHP ile karşı bir pozisyon takınan MHP, halktan destek görmedi. Bölgede ise AKP ve BDP'nin hâkimiyeti bir kez daha ortaya çıktı. Mevcut parametreler dâhilinde bölgede siyasettin görülür bir gelecekte de AKP ve BDP üzerinden yürüyeceğini söylemek mümkün. Her seçimde diğer ...

The February Revolution marked the beginning of a complex process of social, political, and economic transformation of the Russian Empire. Already during the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War, various projects of nation-building were proposed, the struggle between the representatives of which intensified especially in the western regions of the former Empire. In Belarus, which had been partially under German occupation since mid-1915, the national movement remained rather weak and was often supported by external forces, such as the German administration, the Bolsheviks, and later the Roll Republic. Under such conditions, neither the Belarusian People's Republic (BNR), first proclaimed on March 25, 1918, nor the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), formed on January 1, 1919, could claim significant support from the Belarusian population. Instead, in Ukraine, national leaders have become the fiercest advocates of self-government and state independence. Thus, the first post-revolutionary years were marked by a fierce confrontation between the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR), formed on November 7, 1917, and the Soviet Republic of Ukraine, which had existed under different names since December 1917.

AbstractRepublican support for the 1982 Voting Rights Act (VRA) extension is a puzzle for scholars of racial policy coalitions. The extension contained provisions that were manifestly antithetical to core principles of the "color-blind" policy alliance said to dominate the GOP. Recent scholarship has explained this puzzling decision by arguing that conservatives were confident that the VRA's most objectionable provisions could be undone by the federal bureaucracy and judiciary, while absolving Republicans of the blame of being against voting rights. This article suggests that the picture is more complicated. Applying the concept of "critical junctures" to the 1982 VRA extension, the article highlights the importance of actors' contingent decisions and reveals a wider range of choices available to political entrepreneurs than has been conventionally understood. Highlighting differing views within the Reagan administration, this article also identifies a wider range of reasons why Republicans supported the act's extension, including career ambition, party-building, policy agenda advancement, and genuine commitment, rather than simply a defensive stance as implied by recent histories.

Peace & Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) & other conflict-sensitive analytical tools are currently high on the agenda of development & humanitarian organisations. This article asks how far these tools can actually contribute to better development & humanitarian assistance in the context of conflict. For this, it attempts to match agency expectations with the existing tools for conflict analysis & impact assessment. It discusses key methodological challenges to developing conflict-sensitive tools & looks at the lessons learned from using them within aid administrations. The paper concludes on a cautious note, calling for more realistic expectations regarding the analysis that can be provided & reminding aid agencies that tools are just one element in the complex process of mainstreaming conflict-sensitivity. 1 Table, 4 Boxes, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Virtually all observers at the beginning of 2001 were pessimistic regarding the likelihood of an end to the protracted civil war afflicting the Sudan since 1955. The pessimism changed to cautious optimism when serious dialogue resumed in late 2001 between the military regime in Khartoum, hereafter the government of Sudan, or GOS, and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The dialogue, mediated by Kenya and under the auspices of the regional body known as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), led to the Machakos Protocol of July 20, 2002. The protocol laid the groundwork for a peace agreement that was to be negotiated in the following years, and most specifically called for a six-year interim period ending with a referendum in southern Sudan where secession of the South would be an option.

This article offers a rethinking of protection based on a synthesised data from Finland and Sweden on children's and mothers' experiences of post-separation stalking, and social workers' case reports on children risking exposure to gender-based violence after separation. Drawing on critical childhood studies and a feminist approach to violence and security, we ask how children's everyday lives can be incorporated in a rethinking of protection for children in post-separation contexts. Departing from identified limitations in protective solutions for children, we propose three ways of rethinking the issue of protection: (1) protection as gender- and power sensitivity, (2) protection as securitising the here and now, and (3) protection as social peace. Our findings call for some changes in professional practices, social policy and legislation. ; Key messages • Protective solutions to the problem of gender-based violence in post-separation are limited, if existing at all, for exposed children. • Orientation towards adults and therapy desecuritise childhoods and children's social peace.

International audience ; Philosophy does not escape the accusations which make it a simple sterile lucubration with no real connection with practical reality. Yet Kant, from the view point of his theory of subjectivism, thought of peace as audacity of cogitation of the concrete; a philosophically thought that can truly be grasped only through action. This view point has raised the problem of the excessive formalism on the one hand and the risk of an aporia (given the correlation of ethical problems and legal and political issues) in his sense, on the other. This article therefore attempts to reconstruct the principles of Kantian political thought starting from the completeness of the whole of his work that constitutes architectural influence of the Enlightenment, to justifying its applicability. Peace being the purpose of the policy is a question of law. Kant then develops four kinds of law: the law of war; civil law; the law of men and cosmopolitan law, and justify its applicability by the "methodology of pure practical reason." It is this methodology that links theory and practice and make the Kantian politics not realpolitik like that of his critics, but a moral politics which philosophers are the custodians. The political problem thus moves from conceptual ideas to concrete possibility. Morality and politics are not separated but are distinguished in their achievement conditions. ; Résumé : La philosophie n'échappe pas à cette accusation qui fait d'elle une simple élucubration stérile, sans véritable lien avec la réalité pratique. Pourtant, Kant à partir de sa posture de théoricien du subjectivisme a pensé la paix comme audace de la cogitation sur le concret ; pensée pleinement philosophique qui ne se saisie véritablement que dans l'action. Cette posture a posé le problème de son formalisme excessif, d'une part et du risque d'une aporie dans sa pensé (vu la corrélation des problèmes éthiques et des questions juridiques et politiques) d'autre part. L'article essaie donc de reconstruire les principes de la pensée politique kantienne, à partir de la complétude de l'ensemble de son oeuvre qui se constitue en architectonique et de l'influence de l'Aufklärung, pour justifier de son applicabilité. La paix étant la finalité de la politique, elle une question du droit. Kant élabore pour se faire quatre types de droit : le droit de la guerre ; le droit civil ; le droit des gens et le droit cosmopolitique, et justifie de sa praticabilité par la « méthodologie de la raison pure pratique ». C'est cette méthodologie qui réalise l'accord entre la théorie et la pratique et fait de la politique kantienne non une realpolitik comme celle de ses détracteurs, mais une politique morale, dont les philosophes en sont les dépositaires. Le problème politique se déplace donc de l'Idée au plan du concept à la possibilité concrète. Morale et politique ne sont pas séparées, mais distingués dans leur condition de réalisation.

International audience ; Philosophy does not escape the accusations which make it a simple sterile lucubration with no real connection with practical reality. Yet Kant, from the view point of his theory of subjectivism, thought of peace as audacity of cogitation of the concrete; a philosophically thought that can truly be grasped only through action. This view point has raised the problem of the excessive formalism on the one hand and the risk of an aporia (given the correlation of ethical problems and legal and political issues) in his sense, on the other. This article therefore attempts to reconstruct the principles of Kantian political thought starting from the completeness of the whole of his work that constitutes architectural influence of the Enlightenment, to justifying its applicability. Peace being the purpose of the policy is a question of law. Kant then develops four kinds of law: the law of war; civil law; the law of men and cosmopolitan law, and justify its applicability by the "methodology of pure practical reason." It is this methodology that links theory and practice and make the Kantian politics not realpolitik like that of his critics, but a moral politics which philosophers are the custodians. The political problem thus moves from conceptual ideas to concrete possibility. Morality and politics are not separated but are distinguished in their achievement conditions. ; Résumé : La philosophie n'échappe pas à cette accusation qui fait d'elle une simple élucubration stérile, sans véritable lien avec la réalité pratique. Pourtant, Kant à partir de sa posture de théoricien du subjectivisme a pensé la paix comme audace de la cogitation sur le concret ; pensée pleinement philosophique qui ne se saisie véritablement que dans l'action. Cette posture a posé le problème de son formalisme excessif, d'une part et du risque d'une aporie dans sa pensé (vu la corrélation des problèmes éthiques et des questions juridiques et politiques) d'autre part. L'article essaie donc de reconstruire les principes de la pensée politique kantienne, à partir de la complétude de l'ensemble de son oeuvre qui se constitue en architectonique et de l'influence de l'Aufklärung, pour justifier de son applicabilité. La paix étant la finalité de la politique, elle une question du droit. Kant élabore pour se faire quatre types de droit : le droit de la guerre ; le droit civil ; le droit des gens et le droit cosmopolitique, et justifie de sa praticabilité par la « méthodologie de la raison pure pratique ». C'est cette méthodologie qui réalise l'accord entre la théorie et la pratique et fait de la politique kantienne non une realpolitik comme celle de ses détracteurs, mais une politique morale, dont les philosophes en sont les dépositaires. Le problème politique se déplace donc de l'Idée au plan du concept à la possibilité concrète. Morale et politique ne sont pas séparées, mais distingués dans leur condition de réalisation.