Brazilian foreign policy demonstrates an interesting double aspect in the changing global system. Its rhetoric and overt positioning is framed around the idea of Brazil as a value-creating actor, while in reality there are significant value-claiming characteristics at the core of its approach to regional and global affairs. The key for Brazil is its position as a 'bridge' between the South and the North, which allows its diplomats to establish the country as a critical coalition organizer and ideational leader for southern actors looking for major changes in global governance systems, and a central interlocutor for northern actors trying to cope with pressure from the South. Brazil's ambitions are simple: focusing more on an improved relative position, rather than a complete reformulation of the international system, which serves it well in economic, political and security terms. To explain this argument the article focuses on Brazilian engagement with Africa and South America, as well as the country's approach to major negotiations such as the WTO's Doha round, the Free Trade Area of the Americas and the evolution of regional governance mechanisms such as the Organization of American States and the recently created Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. The pattern that emerges is one of Brazil working to create a consensus around its position, using its consequent leadership to improve Brazilian leverage in the regional and global arena.
"Ecclesiastical institutions and actors were essential for the formation of normative orders in early modern Ibero-America. However, both legal historiography, due to its strong legalistic, state-centred imprint, and general historiography on colonial times, more inclined towards secular law, have only rarely discussed the contribution of ecclesiastical normativity to the formation of that normative texture which, in the historiographical tradition, has been called 'derecho indiano'. In light of this situation, the Max Planck Institute for European Legal History has organised a series of seminars in different Latin American cities in order to offer an interdisciplinary forum dedicated to the research of 'ecclesiastical normativities and institutions in Ibero-America' between the 16th and 19th centuries. The present volume is the first in a series of publications that document the results of this cycle of seminars celebrated in Mexico City, Lima, Bogotá and São Paulo. The book, focusing on New Spain, is divided into five thematic parts. The first section presents investigations on canon law and moral theology that deal with characteristic aspects of multinormativity and the teaching of those disciplines in early modern times. The second section examines diocesan governance and ecclesiastical power in Mexico City and Puebla via statutes of the cathedral chapter, members of the 'curia arzobispal' and pertinent legal opinions. In the third section, the contributors reflect on the normativity and administration of sacraments, drawing on conciliar norms, treatises, pragmatic literature but as well on registers of baptisms and confessions. The fourth section deals with ethnic groups in courts of justice, both civil and ecclesiastic ones: indigenous people accused of 'hechicería' in a tribunal of Tlaxcala and Afro-Mexicans who started litigation in the archiepiscopal court of Mexico. The articles of the fifth section cover the topics of beatification, devotion and cultural expressions (music, images) from a normative perspective and extend the period of investigation to the 19th century. The articles on ecclesiastical institutions and normativities in New Spain collected in this volume propose new research fields for legal history and the history of the Church, which at the same time are relevant for social and cultural history. The editors' purpose has been to present approaches that explore the relationship between different types of normativities, their local adaptations, the ties with global debates, the forms of solving conflicts, as well as the role of jurists, theologians and other actors. The topics discussed by the authors represented in this volume – who cultivate the disciplines of history, legal history, church history, ethnohistory, art history and the history of music – contribute to a better understanding of the normative religious universe in Spanish America."
This dissertation examines how a set of postmodern contemporary novels by women, queer, and writers of color in North and South America reframe the parameters of narrative empathy in order to revise what constitutes as an ethical human rights novel. This project is part of a growing scholarly discourse connecting the evolution of the novel in the Americas with changing conceptions of human rights as connected to racial, ethnic, and gender identity in the Americas. The writers discussed reconfigure the relationship between reader and victim within the human rights narrative genre. This reconfiguration is founded on a critical reconstruction of the problematic use of sentimental empathy in the nineteenth-century rights novel. Since this former brand of sympathy joined the burgeoning discourse of rights in the Americas to the representation of racialized or gendered corporeal suffering, the reader's understanding of personhood in the nineteenth century was ethically misguided and predicated on the victim's indignity. Chapter One details how Octavia Butler's Kindred critically rewrites nineteenth-century foundational nation-building texts. This chapter exposes the dangers of narrative voyeurism masking itself as empathy and instead points to an empathy devoid of identification through bodily suffering. Chapter Two looks at Sylvia Iparraguirre's Tierra del Fuego in order to deconstruct and revise both the colonial travel narrative and the South American nation-building genre. This chapter maps an alternative foundation for narrative empathy by fostering legal and temporal visibility for the indigenous subject and land. Chapter Three examines how Manuel Puig's El beso de la mujer araña engages with nineteenth-century melodrama to define empathy as abject corporeality. This chapter defines empathy through psychological proximity and touch, demonstrating how the novel reforms political and gender identity at the cusp of Argentina's Dirty War. Chapter Four turns to an examination of Louise Erdrich's Tracks. Here empathy is defined through the reader's understanding of how nineteenth- century legal practices devastatingly defined land, voice, bodies, and citizenship in the United States. Chapter Five discusses Horacio Castellanos Moya's Insensatez through its documentation of hemispheric genocide. This chapter shows how aesthetics can ethically capture empathy through silences and voids, documenting indigenous historical and bodily trauma. Human rights law and legal policy shapes and is shaped by the formal qualities of the novel and other art forms. The hemispheric human rights novel (1970-2009) uses narrative empathy to develop a closely interconnected relationship between law and literature. This, in turn, revises the relationship between the reader, the victim and national history by teaching readers how to ethically engage with the bodies and minds of the victims presented. First, the revision of the nineteenth-century melodrama and sentimentalism particular to the hemispheric context enables readers to witness the formal construction of an aesthetic model which uses absence and corporeal abjection in order to represent human rights abuses. And secondly, the use of legal documents and national history formally within the novelistic space allows readers to access literature vis-à-vis the national-legal space. Ultimately, as the reader beings participating in this process of decoding, their new responsibilities for the ethical reading practices demanded by the human rights novel are laid out, transforming the reader into an ethical witness.
Middle-income countries of the Global South hold significantly more favorable views of China and its influence than those held by high-income countries of North America, Europe, and Northeast Asia, according to newly released findings of a poll of 34 countries released Tuesday by the Pew Research Center.The survey, the latest in an annual series by the Pew Global Attitudes project, found that a median of 56% of respondents in 17 middle-income nations across Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia held an overall "positive" view of China.That contrasted sharply with a median of 24% of respondents in 18 high-income countries (including the United States) who shared that assessment. The only exception in the high-income group was Singapore, where 67% of respondents said their view of China was "positive."The survey also found a sharp divide in views of China's influence on global peace and security between respondents in India, Japan and South Korea on the one hand and respondents in six smaller countries of South and Southeast Asia. Solid majorities in the latter group agreed that Beijing contributed "a great deal" or "a fair amount" to peace and security, while large majorities in the former group rated Beijing's contribution as "not too much" or "not at all." The poll, which interviewed more than 44,000 respondents across 34 countries, excluding the United States, between January and May, is the latest in an annual series dating back more than two decades. In addition to Singapore, India, Japan, and South Korea, the countries surveyed in the Asia-Pacific region included Australia, Bangladesh, Malaysia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Thailand.In Europe, representative samples of respondents were polled in France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Spain, and the UK. In the Americas, the poll covered Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Canada, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, while in sub-Saharan Africa, it surveyed opinion in Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa. Respondents in Israel, Tunisia, and Turkey were also interviewed.The latest release found that the United States enjoys more favorable views than China, both in high-income countries where a median of 53% view the U.S. as "positive" and in middle-income countries where a median of 61% of respondents said they held a "positive" view. In Malaysia, Singapore, Tunisia and Turkey, more people held a positive view of China than the U.S., while views were roughly evenly split among respondents in Bangladesh, Greece, Nigeria, Peru, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. One key finding of the latest survey makes clear that the perception of China's global economic influence is now well established. In 10 of the 13 countries where respondents were asked both in 2019 and in 2024 about the impact of China on their own country's economy, a significantly larger share said China has a "great deal of impact" than said so five years ago.As to the nature of that impact, however, a median of 47% of respondents said in middle-income countries that it was "positive," while 29% assessed it as "negative." In the 18 high-income countries (including the U.S.), on the other hand, a median of 28% described China's economic influence as positive, while 57% said they viewed it as "negative." U.S. respondents were the most negative.Of the countries whose respondents were also asked to assess China's economic impact on their country in 2019, Pew found that views have generally become more negative, notably in Argentina, Brazil, Israel, Japan, South Korean, and Tunisia.Asked about their views on the conduct of Chinese companies in their countries, respondents in middle-income countries were mostly positive. A median of 7 % of respondents in nine such countries said they held generally positive views about these companies' effect on the local economy, while a 63% median said the companies worked to protect the environment; and a 57% median said they treated local workers fairly.At least two out of every three respondents in Thailand, Kenya, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka gave Chinese companies positive marks ("very" or "somewhat well") in all three areas, while respondents in Nigeria, the Philippines, and South Africa were more reserved. While around half of Ghanaian and Indian respondents said the companies' operations were generally good for the economy, they were more critical about the companies' environmental practices and how they treated local workers.Among the 10 Asian-Pacific countries surveyed, majorities or pluralities of respondents expressed concern about territorial disputes between China and its neighbors. Respondents in the Philippines, where tensions with China over the Spratley Islands have, if anything, increased since the poll was completed, 91% of respondents said they were either "very" (65%) or "somewhat" (25%) concerned about Manila's conflict with Beijing. Nearly nine of ten respondents in South Korea and Japan also expressed concern – 57% in each country said they were "very concerned." Four out of 10 respondents in Australia and three of four respondents in Malaysia also expressed concern – 36% in each said they were "very concerned." Seven of ten respondents in India, which also has a territorial dispute with China in the Himalayas, expressed concern – 44% said they were "very concerned."By contrast, 61% of Thai respondents said they were "not concerned," while pluralities in Singapore and Bangladesh said they were "somewhat concerned."
El marco epistemológico que se ha propuesto en esta investigación de Tesis Doctoral se circunscribe dentro del dominio del Análisis del Discurso como herramienta de interpretación de los Corpus seleccionados. El texto de la Directiva de Retorno 2008/115/CE, que legaliza la deportación de inmigrantes 'irregulares' en territorio europeo, constituye el telón de fondo de los tres Corpus del análisis. Los supuestos teóricos de la fenomenología, de la sociolingüística y de la psicología sustentan la problematización de la ley a través del análisis de los argumentos discursivos de los europarlamentarios de la Unión Europea a favor y en contra de la aprobación de la Directiva de Retorno, que reconstruyen la historicidad del sujeto extranjero, reincorporando los procesos simbólicos del imaginario social (económico, político y cultural) e ideológico de un sistema político segregacionista que no considera a los inmigrantes como sujetos de su propia historia, revelando un racismo instituido, mediante el discurso benevolente de plantear una "deportación segura". El análisis de las imágenes divulgadas en la red interactiva oficial del Parlamento, asociadas al texto publicitario de la aprobación de la ley, se muestra decisivo para reflejar la discriminación institucional, cuando registran únicamente imágenes de personas "racializadas", lo que invita a contextualizar distintos ángulos de análisis del fenómeno jurídicosocial. Desde América Latina, el emisor del discurso - Evo Ayma Morales- se basa en la memoria histórica de invasión y colonización de los pueblos nativos, apropiándose de la historia, reafirmando a los europeos como responsables de la explotación de las tierras de América y, como sello de la memoria colectiva, atribuyéndoles una marca fundacional protagonizada por el Viejo Mundo, que se reviste en una deuda impagable. La Directiva de Retorno, que propone, igualmente, armonizar las políticas migratorias en los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, se muestra como un nuevo-viejo ciclo de los discursos dominantes, que reproducen la exclusión, enmascarados a través de una dualidad social, las dicotomías históricas y los mismos estigmas que señalan que la deportación marca la diferencia que sirve para definir "quién es de dentro" y "quién es de fuera". Es el poder de la ley la que los hace sucumbir frente a la deportación que ha legitimado el discurso políticamente (in)correcto de la élite política. El inmigrante deportado es quien muere todos los días como un ser (no) autónomo que fue en búsqueda de la tierra, que ha construido en su imaginario, como el lugar de las oportunidades. Es el que verdaderamente representa a todos los extranjeros, en su condición utópica de ser sujetos de sí mismos dentro la sociedad de la exclusión. ¡Sin autonomía de decisión para su vida son sujetos simbólicamente muertos! ; The epistemological framework that has been proposed in this Doctoral Thesis research is circumscribed within the domain of Discourse Analysis as a tool for interpreting the selected Corpus. The text of the Return Directive 2008/115/CE that legalizes the deportation of 'irregular' immigrants in European territory, constitutes the background of the analysis Corpus. The theoretical assumptions of phenomenology, sociolinguistics and psychology, support the problematization of the analysis of the discursive arguments of the parliamentarians of the European Union for and against the approval of the Return Directive that reconstructs the historicity of the foreign subject, reincorporating symbolic processes. from the social (economic, political and cultural) and ideological imaginary of a segregationist political system that does not consider immigrants as subjects of its own history, revealing an instituted racism, through a benevolent discourse of "safe deportation". The analysis of the images disseminated on the official interactive network of Parliament associated with the advertising text of the approval of the law is decisive to reflect institutional discrimination, when they only record images of "racialized" people that invites to contextualize different angles of analysis of the phenomenon legal-social. From Latin America, the sender of the speech -Evo Ayma Morales- is based on the historical memory of the invasion and colonization of native peoples, he appropriates history, reaffirming Europeans as responsible for the exploitation of the lands of America and, as a seal of collective memory attributes a founding seal to them and imputes an unpayable debt. The Return Directive, which also proposes to harmonize migration policies in the Member States of the European Union, is shown as a new-old cycle of dominant discourses, which reproduce exclusion, masked through a social duality; the historical dichotomies and stigmas that indicate that deportation marks the difference that serves to define "who is from within" and "who is from outside". It is the power of the law that makes them succumb to the deportation that has legitimized the politically (in)correct discourse of the political elite. The deported immigrant is the one who dies every day as a (non) autonomous being who went in search of the land that he has built in his imaginary as a place of opportunities. He is the one who truly represents all foreigners, in their utopian condition of being subjects of themselves within the society of exclusion. Without the ability to take their own decisions for their lives, they are subjects symbolically dead! ; Tesis Univ. Granada.
Formulation of the problem: The regional authorities and multilegal groups approved normalization of the relations of the USA-Cuba, claiming that involvement instead of isolation can help to improve a situation with human rights in Cuba. In 2014 J. M. Insulsa, and then the secretary general of the Organization of American States, welcomed the statement. Cuba carries out process of economic reforms which, I hope, will be able to lead to political reforms. Experts believe that participation of Cuba in April, 2015 in the Summit of the countries of America in Panama signaled "a new era" in scales of the relations of a hemisphere. Members of civil society, including the well-known Cuban dissidents who were also participating in the summit it is shift as some speak, signaled about increase in political openness. Nevertheless, even at such succession of events and release of political prisoners, some analysts are concerned by how the political system in Cuba will quickly change. Many observers, including foreign leaders and human rights activists, claim that the United States have to go further and cancel economic embargo. It will hardly happen in the near future, according to experts, because of strong opposition in the U. S. Congress.The following tasks: analyzing conceptual and theoretical approaches of institutionalization In the short term of the USA will continue to exercise executive power to open the American-Cuban communications in the sphere of trade, investments, banking, telecommunications, pharmaceutics, agriculture and travel. It can create political dynamics which, eventually will change opinion in the Congress finally to cancel, or not to apply Helms-Burton any more. Since 1960th years, all subsequent U.S. Administrations supported policy of economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation of Cuba. Change in the relations of these countries which was initially noted by exchange of prisoners and release from Havana the imprisoned subcontractor of the USA in December, 2015 induced some experts to indicate more favorable prospects for economy of Cuba and the relations with the USA in wider plan in Latin America. But trade embargo of the USA which demands approval of the congress for cancellation. The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. The constituents of the soft power concept within the realization of the smart power strategy by political actors. The special attention is paid to the influence on modern political processes by the global events. In modern terms «soft power» should be purpose of detecting, preventing and neutralizing of security threats.Key words: smart power, political process, global events, situation, global political space, associated construction, еffective source, government.доктор політичних наук, професор, О. І. Ткач, А. О. Ткач, Перспективи дипломатичних відносин у вирішенні американо-кубинского конфлікта / КНУ імені Тараса Шевченка, Україна, Київ; Університет "Україна", Україна, Київ В статті розглядаються складові концепту м'якої сили в межах реалізації політичними акторами стратегії smart power. Регіональні інститути влади та групи схвалили нормалізацію відносин США-Куба, стверджуючи, що залучення замість ізоляції може допомогти поліпшити ситуацію з правами людини на Кубі. Куба здійснює економічні реформи, які зможуть призвести до політичних реформ. Експерти вважають, що участь Куби в квітні 2015 р. в Самміті країн Америки в Панамі сигналізувала "нову еру" у масштабах відносин півкулі. Громадянське суспільство, добре відомі кубинські дисиденти, які також приймали участь у самміті, вважали, що це зрушення, сигналізувало про підвищення рівня політичної відкритості. Проте навіть за такого розвитку подій і звільненні політичних ув'язнених, деякі аналітики стурбовані тим, як швидко зміниться політична система на Кубі. Чимало спостерігачів, у тому числі іноземні лідери і правозахисники, стверджують, що США мають продовжувати процес далі і скасувати економічне ембарго. У короткостроковій перспективі США буде продовжувати використовувати виконавчу владу, щоб відкрити американо-кубинські зв'язки у сфері торгівлі, інвестицій, банківській справі, телекомунікацій, фармацевтики, сільського господарства і туризму. Це може створити політичну динаміку, що, у змінить позицію Конгресу, щоб в скасувати, або не застосовувати Хелмс-Бертон. Починаючи з 1960-х років, усі наступні адміністрації США підтримували політику і економічних санкцій і дипломатичної ізоляції Куби. Зміна у відносинах цих країн, яка була відзначена обміном ув'язненими, спонукала експертів визначити сприятливіші перспективи для економіки Куби і відносин зі США, в ширшому плані в Латинській Америці. Для вирішення завдань, поставлених у статті, переважно були використані такі наукові методи: загальнонаукові – описовий, герменевтико-політологічний, системний, структурно-функціональний, компаративний, інституційно-порівняльний; загальнологічні – емпіричний, статистичний, прогностичного моделювання та аналізу; спеціальні методи політології. Перевага надавалася методу політико-системного аналізу, за допомогою якого було виявлено спільні та відмінні характеристики базових складових стратегій «м'якої сили», що відображають існуючі політичні, суспільні, інформаційні та інші виклики для відносин та глобального розвитку. Для емпіричного дослідження було використано фактологічну базу, яку склали дані експертного опитування. Праксеологічний та системний методи застосовувалися під час аналізу системи відносин в Карибському регіоні за чотирма вісями: США - країни Карибського регіону, США - зовнішньорегіональні зв'язки, а також відносини між карибськими країнами. Ключові слова: зовнішньополітичний курс, політичний процес, світова економічна криза, південноамериканська фінансова архітектура, інтеграція.
Hace ya varias décadas que Latinoamérica salió del colonialismo "centroeuropeo", como lo llama Dussell; sin embargo, se mantiene una actitud de "colonialidad", entendida como un proceso amplio de control hegemónico de imposición de conocimientos, prácticas y formas culturales en todos los campos de la vida social, al tiempo que se desprecian y desdeñan los valores autóctonos, los conocimientos ancestrales y populares que Boaventura de Sousa Santos denomina con la metáfora de "las epistemologías del sur"; es decir, aquellas epistemologías de quienes no han tenido voz ni voto en las decisiones trascendentales de la vida social, económica, política y cultural, como los desposeídos, los marginados de la sociedad, campesinos, indígenas, afrodescendientes, homosexuales, entre otros. Los responsables de esta actitud colonialista, no solamente han sido los gobiernos que, mediante convenios y tratados bilaterales y multilaterales con las potencias hegemónicas, financian proyectos de diversa índole e imponen sus criterios e intereses en los distintos campos de la economía, la política y la educación. Pero también la misma educación ha tenido su responsabilidad en este proceso. El conocimiento impartido en las universidades es hegemónico y colonizador, que llega de Europa y Norteamérica. Por esta razón, la ciencia y el conocimiento que se producen en estas regiones, debe construirse para su validez, con las epistemologías y las metodologías de estas potencias; mientras que los conocimientos culturales, populares y ancestrales, se consideran obstáculos epistemológicos que no pueden convivir e interactuar con la epistemología de la ciencia clásica. Es por esto que la Universidad también tiene que "decolonizar" sus saberes para alcanzar un espacio transcultural que incluya todos aquellos conocimientos y cosmovisiones populares y tradicionales para que puedan ser tenidos como pares, en un diálogo de saberes dentro de los procesos de formación y aprendizaje. ; For several decades now Latin America came out of the "Central European" colonialism, as Dussell calls it; however, an attitude of "coloniality" is maintained, understood as an extensive process of hegemonic control of the imposition of knowledge, practices and cultural forms in all fields of social life, while despising and disregarding indigenous values, the ancestral and popular knowledge that Boaventura de Sousa Santos names with the metaphor of "the epistemologies of the south"; that is to say, those epistemologies of who have had no voice or vote in the transcendental decisions of social, economic, political and cultural life, such as those dispossessed, marginalized from society, peasants, indigenous, Afro-descendants, homosexuals, among others. The ones responsible for this colonialist attitude have not only been governments which, through bilateral and multilateral agreements and treaties with the hegemonic powers, finance projects of various kinds and impose their criteria and interests in the various fields of economy, politics and education. But also education itself has had responsibility in this process. The knowledge imparted in the universities is hegemonic and colonizing, that comes from Europe and North America. For this reason, the science and knowledge produced in these regions must be constructed for its validity, with the epistemologies and methodologies of these powers; while cultural, popular and ancestral knowledge, are considered epistemological obstacles that cannot coexist and interact with the epistemology of classical science. This is why the University also has to "decolonize" its knowledge to reach a transcultural space that includes all those popular and traditional knowledge and worldviews so they can be considered as equals, in a dialogue of knowledge within the processes of formation and learning. ; Há já varias décadas que Latino-américa saiu do colonialismo "centroeuropeio", como o chama Dussell; porém, se mantém uma atitude de "colonialidade", entendida como um processo amplo de controle hegemônica de imposição de conhecimentos, práticas e formas culturais em todos os âmbitos da vida social, ao mesmo tempo se despreza e desdenha os valores autóctones, os conhecimentos ancestrais e populares que Boaventura de Sousa Santos denomina com a metáfora de "as epistemologias do sul", aliás, epistemologias de aqueles que não têm tido voz nem voto nas decisões transcendentais da vida social, econômica, política e cultural, como os despojados, os marginalizados da sociedade, camponeses, indígenas, afrodescendentes, homossexuais. Os responsáveis dessa atitude colonialista, não somente tem sido os governos, que mediante convênios e tratados bilaterais e multilaterais com as potencias hegemônicas financiam projetos de diversa índole e impõem seus critérios e interesses nos diferentes campos da economia, a política e a educação. Mas também a mesma educação tem sido responsável neste processo. O conhecimento ensinado nas universidades é hegemônico e colonizador, que chega da Europa e Norte América. Por esta razão, a ciência e o conhecimento que se produz nestas regiões, deve se construir para sua validez, com as epistemologias e as metodologias de estas potencias; enquanto isso os conhecimentos culturais, populares e ancestrais se consideram obstáculos epistemológicos que não podem conviver e interagir com a epistemologia da ciência clássica. É por isso que a Universidade também deve "descolonizar" seus saberes para atingir um espaço transcultural que inclua todos aqueles conhecimentos e cosmovisões populares e tradicionais para que possam ser considerados pares, num diálogo de saberes dentro dos processos de formação e aprendizagem.
Según algunos indicadores de gobernanza mundial, Colombia está clasificada por debajo de países no solo de Norteamérica, sino también de América Latina. El presente artículo estudia las instituciones gubernamentales, específicamente en relación con la desigualdad. Su objetivo principal es determinar la correspondencia entre la eficacia de las instituciones —entendida como el cumplimiento de los mínimos de actividades que debe efectuar un Estado, entre ellas la distribución de la riqueza y la orientación hacia la distribución de las capacidades (igualdad)— y las zonas más desiguales —que en este marco de análisis se definen como los territorios con mayores discrepancias económicas, sociales y culturales entre las personas—. La investigación se articula en tres etapas, a lo largo de las cuales se evidencia que en algunos municipios de Colombia existe una relación, no precisamente inversa, entre los territorios que tienen presencia de instituciones estatales y aquellos con mayores desigualdades. Se utilizaron indicadores de instituciones nacionales e internacionales, como la tasa de eficacia de la justicia, la razón entre la presencia de jueces y el territorio, el índice de desempeño fiscal, el índice de vulnerabilidad por presencia institucional, la tasa de informalidad en la tenencia de la tierra, el índice multidimensional de pobreza y el índice de Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas (NBI). Los resultados indican que las instituciones en Colombia tienen poco o ningún efecto en la distribución de la riqueza. Dados los índices anteriormente mencionados, se seleccionaron siete regiones para el desarrollo del estudio: 1) los municipios de Santander, 2) los municipios de frontera entre Arauca y Casanare, 3) los municipios localizados entre Cundinamarca y Huila, 4) los municipios del departamento del Cesar, 5) los municipios situados entre Norte de Santander y Boyacá, 6) los municipios del Caquetá y 7) aquellos que están ubicados en el occidente del Casanare. ; According to some worldwide government indicators, Colombia is classified as being below countries not only in North America but also in Latin America. The current article studies government institutions, specifically in terms of inequality. Its main objectiveis to determine the relationship between the efficacy of institutions—understood as complying with the minimum number of activities that should effect a State, among those the distribution of wealth and the orientation toward the distribution of capabilities (equality)—and the most unequal zones—which in this framework of analysis are defined as the territories with the most economic, social, and cultural discrepancies among their inhabitants. The research is divided into three phases, through which is evidenced that in some Colombian villages a relationship exists, not precisely inverse, between the territories that experience the presence of State institutions and those with the most inequalities. Indicators from national and international institutions were used such as therate of efficiency of justice, the reasoning behind the presence of judges and the territory, the index of fiscal performance, the index of vulnerability due to institutional presence, the rate of informality in property holdings, the multidimensional index of poverty andthe index of Unfulfilled Basic Necessities (NBI). The results indicate that the institutions in Colombia have little or no effect on the distribution of wealth. Taking into account the aforementioned indexes, seven regions were selected for the development of the study: 1) the villages of Santander, 2) the border towns between Arauca and Casanare, 3) the towns located between Cundinamarca and Huila, 4) the towns of the department of Cesar, 5) the towns located between North Santander and Boyacá, 6) the towns of Caquetá, and 7) those located in the west of Casanare. ; Segundo alguns indicadores de governança mundial, a Colômbia está classificada abaixo de países não somente da América do Norte, como também da América Latina. Este artigo estuda as instituições governamentais, especificamente a respeito da desigualdade. Seu objetivo principal é determinar a correspondência entre a eficácia das instituições —entendida como o cumprimento dos mínimos de atividades que um Estado deve efetuar, entre elas a distribuição da riqueza e da orientação à distribuição das capacidades (igualdade)— e as áreas desiguais —que, nesse âmbito de análise, são definidas como os territórios com maiores discrepâncias econômicas, sociais e culturais entre as pessoas—.Esta pesquisa se articula em três etapas, ao longo das quais se evidencia que, em alguns municípios da Colômbia, existe uma relação, não precisamente inversa, entre os territórios que têm presença de instituições estatais e aqueles com maiores desigualdades. Utilizaramse indicadores de instituições nacionais e internacionais, como a taxa de eficácia da justiça, a razão entre a presença de juízes e o território, o índice de desempenho fiscal, o índice de vulnerabilidade por presença institucional, a taxa de informalidade na posse da terra, o índice multidimensional de pobreza e o índice de Necessidades Básicas Insatisfeitas.Os resultados indicam que as instituições na Colômbia têm pouco ou nenhum efeito na distribuição da riqueza. Tendo em vista esses índices, selecionaram-se sete regiões para o desenvolvimento do estudo: 1) os municípios de Santander, 2) os municípios da fronteira entre Arauca e Casanare, 3) os municípios localizados entre Cundinamarca e Huila, 4) os municípios do estado do Cesar, 5) os municípios localizados entre o Norte de Santander eBoyacá, 6) os municípios de Caquetá e 7) aqueles que estão no oeste do Casanare.
Resumen. La poblacion humana ha crecido a una tasa inprecedente en los ultimos tres siglos. Para 2001 la poblacion mundial llego a 6.2 billiones. A una tasa actual de crecimiento de 1.4% annual, la poblaciona se duplicara en 51 anos. La mayoria del crecimiento ocurrira en los paises en via de desarrollo de Asia, Africa, y Latino America. Hay una preocupacion de que la poplacion humana y su impacto negativo sobre el medio ambiente pondra en peligro la existencia de los sytemas de soporte vital del mundo. La tasa cruda de nacimineto es el numero de nacimientos entre el promedio de la poblacion. Una medida mas exacta de crecimiento poblacional es la tasa general de fertilidad que toma en cuenta la estructura de la poblacion y la fecundidad poblacional. La diferencia entre la tasa cruda de nacimiento y la mortalidad nos da la tasa natural de incremento. Cuando esta tasa alcanza el nivel al cual la gente solamente remplaza a si mismo numericamente, se obtiene la tasa cero de crecimiento poblacional. En los países avanzadas del mundo, el crecimiento ha sido reducido o ha puesto en forma negativa, de tal modo que sin inmigracion en estos paises, la poblacion estará disminuyendo. El cambio de las tasas altas de nacimiento y mortalidad a las tasa bajas se denomina la transición demografica. Muchos países desarrolldos han empezado esta transición demográfica. La tasa de mortanda ha bajado en estos países sin que disminuyera la tasa de nacimiento. A medida que la tasa de mortalidad infantil se reduzca en estos países y la economía progresa mas y trae seguridad económico para la gente, entonces será possible una transición demográfica a una poblacion estable o un estandard de vida mas alta. Mientras que las poblaciones grandes traen muchos problemas, tamien pueden servir como recursos de enegia e inteligencia que permiten controlar el problema de la limitación de los recursos. Una idea de la justicia social argumenta que una distribución mas equitativa del capital puede reducir tanto el crecimiento excesivo poblacional como problemas ambientales. Hay muchos métodos de control de fertilidad en comparación con antes. Algunas técnicas son mas seguros, mas fácil de usar y mas placenteras que antes. Se requiere de cambios profundos culturales, como mejoramiento de estatus social, educacional, y económico, valores mas altos de los jóvenes, aceptar la responsabilidad en la vida, seguridad social, estabilidad política, el conocimiento, y el uso efectivo de medidas de control de natalidad, para permitir que la gente planea con seguridad hacia el futuro. Abstract. Human populations have grown at an unprecedented rate over the past three centuries. By 2001, the world population stood at 6.2 billion people. If the current trend of 1.4 % per year persists, the population will double in 51years. Most of that growth will occur in the less developed countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. There is a serious concern that the number of humans in the world and our impact on the environment will overload the life support systems of the earth. The crude birth rate is the number of births in a year divided by the average population. A more accurate measure of growth is the general fertility rate, which takes into account the age structure and fecundity of the population. The crude birth rate minus the crude death rate gives the rate of natural increase. When this rate reaches a level at which people are just replacing themselves, zero population growth is achieved. In the more highly developed countries of the world, growth has slowed are even reversed in recent years so that without immigration from other areas, population would be declining. The change from high birth and death rates that accompanies in industrialization is called a demographic transition. Many developing nations have already begun this transition. Death rates have fallen, but birth rates remain high. Some demographers believe that as infant mortality drops and economic development progresses so that people in these countries can be sure of secure future, they will complete the transition to a stable population or a high standard living. While larger populations bring many problems, they also may be a valuable resource of energy, intelligence, and enterprise that will make it possible to overcome resource limitation problems. A social just view argues that a more equitable distribution of wealth might reduce both excess population growth and environmental degradation. We have many more options now for controlling fertility than were available to our ancestors. Some techniques are safer than those available earlier; many are easier and more pleasant to use. Sometimes it takes deep changes in a culture to make family planning programs successful. Among these changes are improved social, educational, and economic status for women; higher values on individual children; accepting responsibility for our own lives; social security and political stability that give people the means and confidence to plan for the future; and knowledge, availability, and use of effective and acceptable means of birth control.
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New York : Peter Lang, 1993. vii + 160 pp., Carmen Wickramagamage (eds)-Yannick Tarrieu, Moira Ferguson, Jamaica Kincaid: Where the land meets the body: Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1994. xiii + 205 pp.-Neil L. Whitehead, Vera Lawrence Hyatt ,Race, discourse, and the origin of the Americas: A new world view. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995. xiii + 302 pp., Rex Nettleford (eds)-Neil L. Whitehead, Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of possession in Europe's conquest of the new world, 1492-1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. viii + 199 pp.-Livio Sansone, Michiel Baud ,Etnicidad como estrategia en America Latina y en el Caribe. Arij Ouweneel & Patricio Silva. Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 1996. 214 pp., Kees Koonings, Gert Oostindie (eds)-D.C. Griffith, Linda Basch ,Nations unbound: Transnational projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nation-states. Langhorne PA: Gordon and Breach, 1994. vii + 344 pp., Nina Glick Schiller, Cristina Szanton Blanc (eds)-John Stiles, Richard D.E. Burton ,French and West Indian: Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guiana today. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia; London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1995. xii + 202 pp., Fred Réno (eds)-Frank F. Taylor, Dennis J. Gayle ,Tourism marketing and management in the Caribbean. New York: Routledge, 1993. xxvi + 270 pp., Jonathan N. Goodrich (eds)-Ivelaw L. Griffith, John La Guerre, Structural adjustment: Public policy and administration in the Caribbean. St. Augustine: School of continuing studies, University of the West Indies, 1994. vii + 258 pp.-Luis Martínez-Fernández, Kelvin A. Santiago-Valles, 'Subject People' and colonial discourses: Economic transformation and social disorder in Puerto Rico, 1898-1947. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994. xiii + 304 pp.-Alicia Pousada, Bonnie Urciuoli, Exposing prejudice: Puerto Rican experiences of language, race, and class. Boulder: Westview Press, 1996. xiv + 222 pp.-David A.B. Murray, Ian Lumsden, Machos, Maricones, and Gays: Cuba and homosexuality. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996. xxvii + 263 pp.-Robert Fatton, Jr., Georges A. Fauriol, Haitian frustrations: Dilemmas for U.S. policy. Washington DC: Center for strategic & international studies, 1995. xii + 236 pp.-Leni Ashmore Sorensen, David Barry Gaspar ,More than Chattel: Black women and slavery in the Americas. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996. xi + 341 pp., Darlene Clark Hine (eds)-A. Lynn Bolles, Verene Shepherd ,Engendering history: Caribbean women in historical perspective. Kingston: Ian Randle; London: James Currey, 1995. xxii + 406 pp., Bridget Brereton, Barbara Bailey (eds)-Bridget Brereton, Mary Turner, From chattel slaves to wage slaves: The dynamics of labour bargaining in the Americas. Kingston: Ian Randle; Bloomington: Indiana University Press; London: James Currey, 1995. x + 310 pp.-Carl E. Swanson, Duncan Crewe, Yellow Jack and the worm: British Naval administration in the West Indies, 1739-1748. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1993. x + 321 pp.-Jerome Egger, Wim Hoogbergen, Het Kamp van Broos en Kaliko: De geschiedenis van een Afro-Surinaamse familie. Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1996. 213 pp.-Ellen Klinkers, Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus ,De erfenis van de slavernij. Paramaribo: Anton de Kom Universiteit, 1995. 297 pp., Maurits S. Hassankhan, Jerry L. Egger (eds)-Kevin K. Birth, Sylvia Moodie-Kublalsingh, The Cocoa Panyols of Trinidad: An oral record. London & New York: British Academic Press, 1994. xiii + 242 pp.-David R. Watters, C.N. Dubelaar, The Petroglyphs of the Lesser Antilles, the Virgin Islands and Trinidad. Amsterdam: Foundation for scientific research in the Caribbean region, 1995. vii + 492 pp.-Suzannah England, Mitchell W. Marken, Pottery from Spanish shipwrecks, 1500-1800. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994. xvi + 264 pp.
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Exeter Papers in Economic History, no. 1.L. M. Cullen. Anglo‐Irish Trade 1660‐1800.Peter Mathias. The First Industrial Nation: An Economic History of Britain,1700‐1914D. F. McKenzie and J. G. Ross (Eds.). A Ledger of Charles Ackers, Printer of the London Magazine.Frances Norton Mason (Ed.). John Morton & Sons, Merchants of London and Virginia.D. E. Varley. John Heathcoat, 1783‐1861, Founder of the Machine‐Made Lace Industry.W. O. Henderson. Industrial Britain under the Regency 1814‐18: The Diaries of Escher, Bodmer, May andde Gallois.Duncan Bythell. The Handloom Weavers. A Study in the English Cotton Industry during the Industrial Revolution.Charles Wing. The Evils of the Factory System.John R. Kellett. The Impact of Railways on Victorian Cities.D. I. Gordon. A Regional History of the Railways of Great Britain. Vol. v: The Eastern Counties.M. G. Reed (Ed.). Railways in the Victorian Economy. Studies in Finance and Economic Growth.Charles E. Raven. Christian Socialism, 1848‐1854.Ian MacDougall (Ed.). The Minutes of Edinburgh Trades Council, 1859‐1873.A Century of Agricultural Statistics: Great Britain, i866‐ig66.L. Napolitan. The Centenary of the Agricultural Census.Ronald George Garnett. A Century of Co‐operative Insurance: The Co‐operative Insurance Society, i86y‐ig6y: A Business History.Henry Pelling. Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian Britain.S. B. Saul. The Myth of the Great Depression, 1873‐18g6. Studies in Economic History.Derek H. Aldcroft. British Railways in Transition: The Economic Problems of Britain's Railways since 1914.John Hibbs. The History of British Bus Services.J. Gilchrist. The Church and Economic Activity in the Middle Ages.C. G. F. Simkin. The Traditional Trade of Asia.Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr. Class Privilege and Economic Development. The Consulado de Comercio of Guatemala, 1793‐1871.R. A. Humphreys. Tradition and Revolt in Latin America, and other essays.W. O. Henderson. The Industrialisation of Europe, ij8o‐igi4.E. R.J. Owen. Cotton andthe Egyptian Economy', 1820‐1914. A Study in Trade and Development.Robert Greenhalgh Albion. Naval and Maritime History: An Annotated Bibliography. 3rd edn, 2nd suppl. 1966‐8.E. H. Phelps Brown with Margaret H. Browne. A Century of Pay. The Course of Pay and Production in France, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, i86a‐196o.Heinrich Bechtel. Wirtschqfts‐ und Sozialgeschichte Deutschlands: Wirtschaftsstile und Lebensformen von der VorzeitbiszurGegenwart.Ulf Dirlmeier. Mittelalterliche Hoheitsträgerim wirtschaftlichen Wettbewerb.Wilhelm Abel. Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft vomfruhen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jahrhundert. 2nd edn.Friedrich Lütge. Geschichte der deutschen Agrarver fassung vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jahrhundert. 2nd edn.Eva‐Maria Engel and Benedykt Zientara. Feudalstruktur, Lehnbürgertum und Fernhandel im spätmittelalterlichen Brandenburg. Mit einer Einleitung von Eckhard Müller‐Mertens.Hartmut Schiele and Manfred Ricker. Betriebswirtschaftliche Aufschliisse aus der Fuggerzeit.Edith Schmitz. Leinengewerbe und Leinenhandel in Nordwestdeutschland, 1650‐1850.Jürgen Kuczynski. Das Entstehen der Arbeiterklasse.Hermann Kellenbenz. Die Zuckerwirtschqft im Kölner Raum von der napoleonischen Zeit bis zur Reichsgründung.Volkmar Gropp. Der Einfluβ der Agrarreformen des beginnenden 19. Jahrhunderts in Ostpreuβen auf Höhe und usammensetzung der preuβischen Staatseinkünfte.Gvrhakv Adelmann (ed.).Dergewerblich‐industrielle Zustand der Rheinprovinz im Jahr 1836. Amtliche Übersichten.Edmund Silberner. Moses Hess. Geschichte seines Lebens.Helmut Böhme. Deutschlands Weg zur Groβmacht. Studien zum Verkältnis von Wirtschaft und Staat währendderReichsgrundungszeit, 1848‐1881.Clemens Bruckner. Zur Wirtschaftsgesckichte des Regierungsbezirks Aachen.Fritz V. Grunfeld. Das Leinenhaus Grünfeld. Erirmerungen und Dokumente. Eingeleitet und hrsg. von Stefi Jersch‐Wenzel.Marlies Kutz. Zur Geschichte der Moselkanalisierung von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, ein Überblick; Gertrud Milkereit. Das Projekt der Moselkanalisierung, ein Problem der westdeutschen Eisen‐ und Stahlindustrie.Dieter Lindenlaub. Richtungskämpfe im Verein für Sozialpolitik. Wissenschaft und Sozialpolitik im Kaiserreich vornehmlich vom Beginn des "Neuen Runes" bis zum Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges, 1890‐1914.Gerhard Erdmann. Die Deutschen Arbeitgeberverbände im sozialgeschichtlichen Wandel der Zeit.Christiane Klapisch‐Zuber. Les maǐtres du marbre: Carrare 1300‐1600.David Buisseret. Sully and the Growth of Centralized Government in France, 1598‐1610.René Gandilon. Naissance du Champagne: Dom Pierre Pérignon.J. Dupǎquier, M. Lachiver, and J. Meuvret. Mercuriales dupays de France et du Vexin frančais (1640‐1792).P. Goubert. Cent mille provinciaux au XVIIe Stèele.P. Goubert. Ľ'Ancien Régime. 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by Georges Langrod « Maître de recherches », French National Centre for Scientific Research, Full Professor at the University of the Saar The legal aspect of administrative procedure is traditionally neglected by the Science of administrative Law. Considered as a technical problem, it is left to administrative scientists only. The whole legal operation preceding the administrative decision remains outside the sphere of scientific analysis, thereby impoverishing our knowledge of the administrative phenomenon. On the one hand the specialist in administrative law respects to a surprising degree the tradition that administrative law regulates the aims of administrative action, but leaves the ways leading to accomplishment of these aims solely to administrative technicians. On the other hand, the specialist in Public Administration sees only the essential contradiction between the strict bounds of restrictive legal precept and the necessary elasticity of administrative action. He defends the latter and is therefore prima facie opposed to the former. Although the Administration should be as unhampered as possible in order to be effective in everyday life, the « Rechtsstaat » — with its characteristic curtailment of « Le Roy le veult » — is founded also on the active participation of cujus res agitur in administrative disputes. This participation assures at the same time an important control of administrative action by the citizen. It constitutes one of the victories of political democracy over the unbridled licence of « royal pleasure ». Political expediency can no longer be considered as the only motivation of all administrative action. Nevertheless it should not be undervalued: a balance must be sought between the legal, technical and political aspects of this action, the political aspect being accepted in its widest sence. The process of « juridicalisation » of Administration through administrative Law — extended even to administrative procedure — must be constantly scrutinized with a view to controlling the effects of old mental habits and conservative approach to Public Administration and to administrative management. Professor Langrod examines, in all its aspects, the generally underestimated but important problem of « purely administrative » procedure, i.e. of non-contentious disputes within the frame of administrative action. He discusses the different approaches of the traditional doctrine to this problem and its frequent lack of comprehension in this field. Having weighed the consequences of the traditional application of procedural theory and process rules to justice alone, the author goes on to examine — by methods of comparison — the present-day solutions to the problem. These solutions are grouped under three principal headings: — administrative systems with well-developed administrative Law but without any « processual » approach, such as those existing in France and Germany. This approach is reserved only for the administrative courts («juridiction administrative», «Verwaltungsgerichtsbarkeit»). Everything which happens within the framework of « pure » Administration is left, almost entirely, to the discretion of internal rules, under the subsequent judicial control of legality; — « mixed » systems, or half-way solutions, i.e. mainly the Anglo-Saxon doctrine of « quasi-judicial » functions, presupposing the existence of a dispute between equal parties, before the Administration. The procedural rights of these parties, accorded by law or by practice, differentiate this type of procedure from the « purely » administrative activity. Thus appear in England the so-called « administrative tribunals » which are not judicial courts, but administrative authorities with a particular process, resulting from the fundamentals of fair play in administrative action. To this group belong also the administrative systems of Spain, Portugal, Latin America, Italy and Sweden, where — if not always the legislature and practice — at least the doctrine of administrative Law and the jurisprudence in administrative matters frequently accept a procedural point of view for the administrative action; — systems comprising a complete « processual » sector of administrative Law doctrine and a legislative codification of legal procedure of Public Administration. This is the case in Austria and three other countries of Central-Eastern Europe where in the years 1925-1930 « codes of administrative procedure » appeared, and are still obligatory. In spite of changes after 1945 in countries now under Communist regime, in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, the great Austrian model remains unchanged. The United States of America, owing to the A.P.A. 1946, are found in the same group, because of their global approach to this problem of administrative dispute, based on the classical « due process » doctrine and on the application of the « audi alteram partem » formula (through adjudication, hearing, notice, examiners corps, etc.). Professor Langrod's study comprises administrative dispute considered as an integral part of a « general legal procedure », constituting in theory a « processual » uniformity, regardless of the sector of Law to which it applies. Thus procedural approach ceases to be a monopoly of justice as it was for centuries, and has to be extended to all official actions concerning parties' interests or rights. The author endeavours finally to formulate some general principles of administrative legal procedure, based on empirical comparative experience. After having examined and summarized these principles, he concludes that the great process of « juridicalization » of Public Administration has generally desirable effects. It brings about more social outlook, the true democratization of Administration owing to the active and « organized » co-operation between authorities and parties) and the fact that — if well conceived and balanced — legal rules tend not to hamper, but rather to guide the processes of litigation, to the true interests of legal security and administrative efficiency.
Actualmente, la Alianza del Pacífico es la más reciente iniciativa de integración regional. Es un área de integración profunda que pretende: "Avanzar hacia la libre circulación de bienes, servicios, capitales y personas, e impulsar un mayor crecimiento, desarrollo y competitividad de las economías de las partes (…) lo cual es un hecho que demuestra el olvido de algunas de las economías latinoamericanas frente a la cuenca del Pacífico, que es la principal cuenca del comercio internacional, al integrar las economías de Asia, América y Oceanía." (Alianza del Pacífico, 2012). Por tal razón, podemos observar que los temas prioritarios y de interés común tales como medio ambiente y cambio climático; innovación, ciencia y tecnología; micro, pequeñas y medianas empresas; y desarrollo social; educación, movilidad de personas, inversiones, guía para el comercio exterior, que ha generado la alianza en los 4 países integrantes, va dirigida a la consolidación del Arco del Pacífico Latinoamericano; logrando un espacio de concertación y convergencia, con un compromiso firme de avanzar progresivamente hacia el objetivo de alcanzar la libre circulación de bienes, servicios, capitales y personas (AP, 2015). ; Currently, the Pacific Alliance is the most recent initiative of regional integration. It is an area of deep integration which aims to: "move towards the free movement of goods, services, capital and people, and promote higher growth, development and competitiveness of the economies of the parties (.) It is a fact that demonstrates the oblivion of some Latin American economies facing the Pacific basin, which is the main watershed of international trade, to integrate the economies of Asia, America and Oceania (AP, 2012). For this reason, we can see that those issues priority and common interest such as the environment and climate change; innovation, science and technology; micro, small and medium-sized enterprises; and social development; education, mobility of people, investments, guide for foreign trade, which has generated the Alliance in the 4 Member countries, is aimed at the consolidation of the Latin American Pacific arch; making a space for dialogue and convergence, with a firm commitment to move progressively towards the aim of achieving the free movement of goods, services, capital and people (AP,2015).
Volcanic Poetics: Revolutionary Myth and Affect in Managua and the Mission, 1961-2007 examines the development of Nicaraguan politically engaged poetry from the initial moments of the Sandinista resistance in the seventies to the contemporary post-Cold War era, as well as its impact on Bay Area Latino/a poetry in the seventies and eighties. This dissertation argues that a critical mass of politically committed Nicaraguan writers developed an approach to poetry to articulate their revolutionary hopes not in classical Marxist terms, but as a decisive rupture with the present order that might generate social, spiritual, and natural communion. I use the term "volcanic poetics" to refer to this approach to poetry, and my dissertation explores its vicissitudes in the political and artistic engagements of writers and poets who either sympathized with, or were protagonists of, the Sandinista revolution. Chapter 1 examines the notion of the "engaged poet" in Central America and how Ernesto Cardenal, Gioconda Belli, and Daisy Zamora framed insurrection against the Somoza regime in the seventies through three myths that would come to define their volcanic poetics: natural force (the capacity of a people to embody the powers of the earth), cosmic love (revolution as being guided by the unfolding of love in the universe), and poetic martyrdom (suffering as the highest aesthetic calling of the revolutionary). Chapter 2 examines how, despite a poetic ethos of rupture, insurrection, and communion, these writers often failed to interrogate the shortcomings of the period of Sandinista rule (1979-1990), instead employing a volcanic poetics to affirm national unity. Chapter 3 analyzes the impact of the end of the Cold War and the defeat of Sandinismo on Cardenal, Belli, and Zamora, showing how their works became infused with a nostalgia for the earlier moments of the Sandinista revolution or an attitude verging on cynicism about the political possibilities of the present. Chapter 4 details the ways in which this volcanic poetics had an impact in Bay Area poetry through the work of Alejandro Murguía, Nina Serrano, and Roberto Vargas, and the development of a poetics of "tropicalization" that linked local nationalist concerns (such as those of the Chicano/a movement) with international social movements in Nicaragua and other parts of the "Third World."Along with an engagement with the aesthetic and ideological debates informing the texts I analyze, this dissertation traces how affects, such as tedium, angst, or depression often circulate in them to reveal a persistent unease with various forms of class and gender oppression unaccounted for by this volcanic poetics and its ethos of communion. Volcanic Poetics proposes a way to read the ongoing relevance of engaged poetry in the contemporary era by recuperating moments of affective dissonance with forms of social oppression and the myths of revolution, as well as the utopian longings informing these texts. Volcanic Poetics critically reexamines the contemporary aesthetic relevance of the Sandinista moment, its repercussions on San Francisco Bay Area poets in the United States, and what an engaged poetics might mean in the era of global capitalism.
The present study depicts America's image according to the "Narrative of the current state of America" by the Spanish civil servant Francisco Díez Catalán, who settled in Quito around 1802. It provides an account of his evolution as a politician and civil servant in the administration of the Baron of Carondelet with Díez Catalán's purpose for writing this document. The "Narrative" appears in the context of other proyectista texts, aimed at discussing the social and moral critique, social mindsets and the desired public happiness that was being proposed for America on the basis of the above-mentioned enlightened figures. ; El presente estudio describe la imagen de América de acuerdo al "Discurso del estado actual de la América" del funcionario castellano Francisco Díez Catalán, establecido en Quito hacia 1802. Se relaciona su trayectoria político-burocrática durante el gobierno del Barón de Carondelet con el propósito de Díez Catalán para escribir este documento. El "Discurso" se sitúa en el marco de otros textos proyectistas, a fin de problematizar la crítica social y moralista, los imaginarios sociales y la anhelada felicidad pública que se planteaba en torno a América desde la visión de estos ilustrados. ; O presente estudo descreve a imagem da América segundo o "Discurso do atual estado da América" elaborado pelo funcionário espanhol Francisco Díez Catalán, estabelecido em Quito desde 1802. Relaciona-se a trajetória político-burocrática de Francisco Díez durante o governo do Barão de Carondelet com a finalidade da produção de tal documento. O "Discurso" está inserido no marco de outros textos projetistas, com o objetivo de problematizar a crítica social e moral, os imaginários sociais e a almejada felicidade pública na América a partir da visão desses ilustrados. ; O presente estudo descreve a imagem da América segundo o "Discurso do atual estado da América" elaborado pelo funcionário espanhol Francisco Díez Catalán, estabelecido em Quito desde 1802. Relaciona-se a trajetória político-burocrática de Francisco ...
