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In the age of globalization and the dominance of digital technologies, public diplomacy is no longer the prerogative of politicians, as the number of agents of influence is constantly increasing. Openness and publicity dictate new rules of the political game and, accordingly, make new demands on public diplomacy of the state. In light of the global Covid-19 pandemic, digital technologies are becoming especially relevant, strengthening the importance of digital diplomacy as the newest direction of public diplomacy. The purpose of this paper is to study the international experience of integrated inclusion of digital diplomacy into the arsenal of public diplomacy and the opportunities and problems to apply that experience for the digitalization of Ukrainian public diplomacy.
The need to understand digital diplomacy is determined by a number of factors, in particular, increasing information flows, the inclusion of diplomatic communication in the global context of networking, the use of new communication channels and tools as well as its intensity, and the emergence of new types of influence on the audience in diplomatic practice.
The experience of the leading world's democracies shows the potential of digital diplomacy as a strategic resource for promoting national interests and implementation of diplomatic tasks and state political doctrine. The essence of the cultural and political dimension of digital diplomacy is that the use of the latest information and communication tools in the foreign policy area contributes to strengthening the attractive image of the political culture of the state, ensuring the main goals of the country's economy in the world economic space, as well as the promotion of national identity abroad. Digital diplomacy is a tool for spreading democratic values ​​worldwide that creates a basis for global unity.
Opportunities for the development of "digital diplomacy" in Ukraine seem to be limited by the lack of national information and communication strategy, the shortage of trained professionals, and a number of risks inherent in working on the Internet. Nevertheless, digital diplomacy in Ukraine is actively developing, involving more and more stakeholders in the process of information exchange. That is facilitated by the very nature of social media, which, like any living organism, is constantly evolving.

The author attempts to present an image of a likely development of the international system in the rest of this century. This is not a prediction in the same sense as in the natural sciences since trends existing today obviously may be counteracted. But the effort is made to see where the trends in the world today are most likely, according to the author, to lead the world. Some possible political initiatives that may arise to reinforce or stop some of these trends are also indicated. For this purpose a distinction is made between a society, which is held to be a self-sufficient unit that would remain essentially the same if the rest of the world were removed, and a nation-state which is a political unit based on geographical continuity. Four types of societies are distinguished: the primitive, traditional, modern, and neo-modern societies, differing in level of agricultural productivity and percentage of population working in the tertiary sector. The world is then divided into nation-states too small for the societies, and nation-states too big for the societies within them: a distinction similar to the distinction between developed and developing countries. The author predicts that the first type of nation will penetrate so deeply into each other that the nation-states will wither away and that national loyalty will be more and more superseded with sub-, cross-, trans- and supra-national identities. A tightly integrated region from Alaska to Japan is envisaged. For the second type of societies growing nationalism is predicted as the primitive and social segments become increasingly modern and coincide in size with the nation-state. For the relation between the two types of societies it is predicted that the neomodern nations will try to take them one at a time, and that this will be so much resented that the poorer nations will unite to form increasingly effective trade-unions of poor nations. Further, they will bargain with the rich nations for better prices for their commodities treatening with delivery strikes, and also bargain for welfare world policies with taxation of nations and redistribution. If this does not succeed, the possibility of major wars is seen as very likely.

This ILO report, which draws on 32 national studies, was produced in partnership with the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (Cedefop). It presents qualitative analysis of empirical research and modelling, and collects good practices demonstrating how skills development can underpin the green transition.

1 Introduction: The Ballast Water Management Convention -- Part I: Rights and obligations -- 2 Structure and components of the Convention -- 3 Rights and obligations under the Convention -- 4 Jurisdiction -- Part II: Meeting obligations -- 5 Means of meeting obligations -- Part III: Legal aspects -- 6 Integrating the Convention in domestic law -- 7 Legal aspects of enforcement -- Part IV: Implementing the regulations -- 8 Implementing Section A (General provisions) -- 9 Implementing Section B (Management and control requirements for ships) -- 10 Implementing Section C (Special requirements in certain areas) -- 11 Implementing Section D (Standards forbballast water management) -- 12 Implementing Section E (Survey and certification requirements for ballast water management) -- 13 Ballast water sampling -- 14 Approval of ballast water management systems (Guidelines (G8)) -- 15 Approval of ballast water management systems using Active Substances (Procedure (G9)) -- 16 Duties of shipowners -- 17 Ballast water management options available for ships -- Part V: Technical aspects of enforcement -- 18 Non-compliance detection and response -- 19 Guidance for port State control -- Part VI: Organization -- 20 Training of personnel -- 21 Guidelines, circulars and other IMO instruments relevant to the Convention

Survey -- Interviews -- Study limitations -- Gender equality achievements within the co-operative sector -- Sectoral impacts -- Observable advantages of co-operatives for gender equality -- The co-operative difference -- Progress to be made -- Women in co-operative leadership -- Gender equality strategies -- Co-operation between co-operatives -- Cultural barriers -- The role of government.