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Am 1. Juli 1997 werden 156 Jahre britischer Kolonialherrschaft über Hongkong enden; die Stadt wird fortan wieder ein Teil Chinas sein. Großbritannien verliert damit seine letzte nennenswerte Kolonie, während China mit diesem Ereignis ein aus seiner Sicht düsteres Kapitel kolonialer Schmach und nationaler Erniedrigung beschließt, die ihm von ausländischen Mächten im 19. Jahrhundert durch Kanonenboote und "ungleiche Verträge" zugefügt wurden. Der Herrschaftswechsel in Hongkong bedeutet zugleich ein Experiment mit ungewissem Ausgang. Während das sonstige chinesische Festland seit 1949 unter einem kommunistischen Regime und System steht, ist Hongkong seit dem 19. Jahrhundert Teil der durch Marktwirtschaft geprägten westlichen Welt, und in der letzten Phase der Kolonialzeit haben sich in der Stadt auch demokratische Strukturen gebildert. Die chinesische Regierung hat zwar unter der Parole "Ein Land, zwei Systeme" die Respektierung der andersartigen Hongkonger Verhältnisse zugesagt (deren Erhalt wegen der Bedeutung der Stadt als internationaler Umschlagplatz und als wirtsschaftlicher Motor weithin auch im Interesse Pekings liegen dürfte), doch hat die scharfe chinesische Ablehnung wesentlicher inzwischen entstandener politischer Strukturelemente Ungewißheit geschaffen. Die Autorin, die mehrere Jahre in China gearbeit hat und derzeit in Hongkong lebt, stellt im folgenden Artikel die Probleme dar. (Aussenpolitik / DGAP)

Under what conditions do states engaged in interstate territorial disputes comply with unfavorable international legal awards? Interstate territorial disputes have proven to be a major threat to international peace and security. Of the available options for the peaceful resolution of territorial claims, legal dispute resolution has proven to be very effective, as states overwhelmingly comply with international awards. However, despite the relevance of legal dispute resolution, we have limited knowledge about it, especially concerning how and when states choose to comply with unfavorable legal rulings. This dissertation examines the extent to which one of the most influential approaches to legal dispute resolution – domestic-constraints theory – is able to explain the compliance behavior of states which have "lost in court." Extant research has suggested that international legal processes facilitate the reduction of domestic constraints on territorial concessions, enabling dispute resolution through compliance with international rulings. Yet no study so far has systematically traced whether legal processes indeed influence the domestic politics of territorial concession-making, or the extent to which compliance behavior is linked to domestic constraints. Employing a qualitative case-study design, this dissertation traces three implementation processes of awards that required salient territorial concessions. The cases examined are Israel, 1984–1989 (concerning the Taba dispute with Egypt); Nigeria, 1994–2008 (concerning the Bakassi dispute with Cameroon); and Ethiopia, 1998–2007 (concerning the Badme dispute with Eritrea). This study finds support for domestic-constraints theory as an explanation for compliance behavior. The findings show that domestic constraints pose a sufficient obstacle to compliance with territorial concessions, but that legal processes can facilitate attempts by governments to overcome such domestic obstacles, thereby enabling the implementation of legally ruled territorial losses. This study contributes to the research on territorial dispute resolution in particular by confirming and developing our understanding of how legal dispute resolution helps to solve high-salience territorial claims, specifically as a remedy for domestic obstacles to settlement. On a more general level, the results also speak to the ability of international law to influence state behavior in foreign relations.

50 years ago, the partition of Germany was manifested by the Wall. The U.S. response to the closure of the GDR was muted. Disappointment with the U.S. position caused the former "hereditary enemies" (West) Germany and France to approach each other. Henceforth, they cooperated more in foreign and security policy -- the beginning of a new phase in their bilateral relations. Adapted from the source document.

Since China adopted its "going out" policy in 2001, her outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) flows have grown rapidly, reaching US$84 billion in 2012 (although the stock remains small). That year, China was the world's third largest outward investor (after the US and Japan). This performance raises all sorts of issues, especially because state-owned enterprises (SOEs) control some three-quarters of the country's OFDI stock. Three challenges are addressed in this Perspective.

"This volume addresses two major themes in contemporary international relations: Sino-European relations and global governance. In its focused analysis of Sino-European relations, global governance serves as both a topic for analysis and a conceptual framework to join together individual chapters. The editors, expert Chinese scholars, have brought together a diverse group of established and promising young scholars from China, Europe, and elsewhere.In the first part, contributors share perspectives on Sino-European relations from three major theoretical approaches. In part two, discussions are focused on China and the EU's roles and interactions in several major global institutions. The third part moves on to China and the EU's relations in several major issue areas. This book has important implications for Chinese foreign policy, the European Union and the future of global governance, and international relations at large"--

The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), officially established in 1996, is an inter-regional forum consisting of the 15 member states of the European Union and the European Commission, 7 member of the 10 states of ASEAN and China, Japan and South Korea. In this important volume academics from Asia and Europe examine the level of engagement between both continents and highlight how the ASEM process has been conducive in enhancing the political, economic and cultural ties between the various Asian and European countries. They address questions such as: how does the euro fit in the developing East Asian monetary cooperation; how does ASEM influence the process of East Asian identity building and what is the ASEM factor in the formulation of the new foreign policy of China? ASEM is wrongly a little known process because it plays a key role in formulating the emerging multilateralist world order of the 21st century

Ambassador Mansfield comments on the economy of Nagasaki, the Japanese steel industry, the development of the Japanese military and United States-Japanese trade relations. This audio has not been transcribed, but a tape counter index is available. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/mansfield_audio/1039/thumbnail.jpg

The global migration of Filipino domestic workersThe international division of reproductive labor -- The transnational family -- Gender and intergenerational relations -- Contradictory class mobility -- The crisis of masculinity -- The aging of migrant domestic workers.