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The Joint Statement by the Foreign Ministers of China and Russia on Certain Aspects of Global Governance in Modern Conditions of 23 March 2021 calls for "the establishment of a fairer, more democratic and rational multipolar world order." The paper inquires how constitutional theories of international organisations have in the past and present sought to contribute to world order. It identifies three waves of such theory since the 1960s. Looking in more detail at the ongoing third wave, it identifies and seeks to pull out further a constitutional model which upscales the proto-democratic practices in international organisations by strengthening forums for participation and contestation, which rectifies to the north-south imbalance inter alia rooted in the colonial heritage by involving more actors from the global south, and which tackles the global social question upfront.

"It is 2015. George Clooney is US President. Angelina Jolie is Vice President. Bob Geldof and Bono, respectively, Irish President and Prime Minister. China has just overtaken the US as the world's largest economy. India is not so far behind. Some of the UN poverty targets - the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were met. Some were not. Progress in Africa accelerated following large aid flows from new donors (such as China) but repayments are now looming. The other MDGs were missed though not as badly as expected. Climate change/chaos has intensified with many of the impacts felt in the South. Urbanization is accelerating. What next? The MDGs have played a major role in focusing policy since their original incarnation in the mid to late 1990s. What happens when we no longer have the MDGs - what will guide policy after 2015?" -- Publisher's description

Abstract
Ordered dependent variables are widely employed in international relations (IR). These ordered dependent variables often suffer from inflated observations in their highest outcome category due to distinct processes. The application of standard ordered probit and ordered logit models to such ordinal measures will fail to capture these distinct processes, often producing biased inferences as a result. Yet IR researchers have thus far ignored the potential for top-category inflation in ordered outcome variables. We sensitize researchers to top-category inflation in ordered IR outcomes. We then intuitively extend the widely used zero-inflated ordered probit model to the top-category inflated setting, providing resources to facilitate the proper modeling of top-category inflation in ordered outcomes. Finally, we provide two applications to published IR research related to trade politics and political repression. Together, these applications illustrate the substantive and methodological potentials of our proposed tools for diagnosing and modeling top-category inflation in IR outcomes.

AbstractWe examine how US mutual funds that invest domestically make portfolio adjustments by incorporating US‐listed foreign stocks (cross‐listed stocks) when faced with US market economic policy uncertainty. We document a positive association between US economic policy uncertainty and US mutual funds' weight of cross‐listed stocks, and find that the effect is concentrated in funds that mainly invest in the US domestic market. The findings are not sensitive to the instrumental variable approach, model specification, sampling, variable definition, and controlling for macro characteristics. Funds with higher weight of cross‐listed foreign stocks when US economic policy uncertainty increases outperform other funds, indicating the rationality of such an investment strategy. A long‐short portfolio generates 3.4% annualized abnormal return in the immediate following quarter. Our study shields light not only on the international diversification benefit of US‐listed foreign stocks but also on the importance of capital market openness for domestic investors.

Prepared by: Arthur W. Rovine, 1973-1974; Eleanor C. McDowell, 1975-1976; John A. Boyd, 1977; Marian L. Nash, 1978- ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1973-1980. 1 v.

In the theory and practice of international law has long been present a
debate on the ability of international organizations to influence the
decisions in the process of creating international law. It is undisputed that
the decisions of international organizations have an increasingly important
position, but the debates about the law constituting role of these
organizations in the contemporary international law are still alive. There is
no consent, and certainly, the widest debates are provoked by the decisions
of the international organization of a universal character - the United
Nations. A key task of our research will be to analyze the decision-making
practice within the United Nations and to determine, by the comparison of the
different arguments of international law schools of thought, the impact that
this organization has on the creation of international law. Also, we will try
to investigate whether the decisions taken in the framework of international
organizations carry within them a little more than ?moral and political
force?, but also to check the achievements of the so-called soft law (soft
law).

"The book analyzes the critical theories in international relations that have become increasingly popular in the post-Cold War era. The book will analyze critical theory, Frankfurt School, constructivism, post-colonialism, feminism, critical geopolitics, political economy, Copenhagen School, Aberystwyth School, Paris School and Ontological security"--

Politicians frequently issue public threats to manipulate tariffs but only sometimes follow through. This behavior theoretically ought to generate audience costs. We therefore test the validity of audience costs in trade war settings through a vignette-based survey experiment. The vignettes describe a hypothetical situation involving the U.S. and a second country (China, Canada, or unspecified) with whom the U.S. has a trade deficit. The president (Democrat, Republican, or unspecified) either maintains the status quo, threatens to impose tariffs and backs down, or threatens to impose tariffs and follows through. Our findings highlight differences between security and trade conflict when it comes to audience costs and presidential approval. While Americans sanction the president for issuing a threat to raise tariffs, they generally support backing down. Regression modeling and text analysis of a free response question from our surveys suggest this is because consumers are wary of paying the costs of tariffs.