Search results

Die nachfolgende wissenschaftliche Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Problematik hinsichtlich der rechtlichen Zulässigkeit politischer Kritik und Satire. Speziell wird auf den juristischen Grenzfall Böhmermann gegen Erdogan eingegangen. In seiner Late-Night-Show trägt der Satire-Komiker, Jan Böhmermann, ein Gedicht mit dem Titel "Schmähkritik" vor. Damit kritisiert er einerseits das Vorverhalten des türkischen Präsidenten und gibt andererseits ein Beispiel unzulässiger (Schmäh-) Kritik. Da das Schmähgedicht auf Recep Erdogan gemünzt ist und großteils objektiv beleidigende Äußerungen enthält, klagt dieser auf Unterlassung der weiteren Verbreitung. Die Arbeit behandelt zunächst die vorgebrachten Rechtsgrundlagen aus der deutschen Rechtsordnung. Die Problematik ergibt sich dabei aus der Kollision des allgemeinen Persönlichkeitsrechts des Klägers gemäß Art 1 Abs 1 GG mit der Meinungs- und Kunstfreiheit des Beklagten gemäß Art 5 Abs 1 und Abs 3 GG. Anschließend werden die rechtlichen Beurteilungen der erkennenden Gerichte dargelegt. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird untersucht, wie der gegenständliche Fall nach österreichischem Zivilrecht zu beurteilen ist. Im Besonderen wird geprüft, ob die inkriminierten Äußerungen die Ehrenbeleidigung bzw Rufschädigung gemäß § 1330 ABGB erfüllen, oder sogar die Menschenwürde des Klägers gemäß § 16 ABGB verletzen. Im Zuge einer kasuistischen Interessenabwägung wird ermittelt, ob der Beklagte die Äußerungen durch die Kunst- bzw Meinungsfreiheit rechtfertigen kann. Dabei werden Tendenzen der nationalen Rechtsprechung ermittelt und die kritischen Argumente aus der Literatur berücksichtigt. Abschließend werden die Bewertungen und Ergebnisse zusammenfassend dargelegt. ; The following scientific work deals with the problem regarding the legality of political criticism and satire. Especially the legal borderline case Böhmermann against Erdogan will be treated. The satire-comedian Jan Böhmermann performed a poem titled "Schmähkritik" in his late-night-show. With this he criticized, on the one hand the political behaviour of the Turkish president and on the other hand, he brought an example for an illegal abusive criticism. The poem is aimed on Recep Erdogan and it contains objectively insulting expressions. Therefore, he decided to file Böhmermann for injunctive relief. Initially the work treats the submitted legal basis out of the German legal order. The problem arises out of the conflict of the general right of personality according to article 1 (1) of the German Basic Law (GG) with the artistic freedom and the freedom of expression according to article 5 (1) and (3) GG. Afterwards the respective legal assessment of the first and the second instance will be presented. Against this background it will be analysed, how the present case would have been assessed according to the Austrian civil law. Especially it will be examined, if the incriminated expressions fulfil the violation of honour, particularly the reputational damage according to § 1330 of the Austrian General Civil Code (ABGB) or violate the human dignity of the complainant according to § 16 ABGB. In the course of a casuistic balancing of interests it will be analysed, if the defendant can justify his expressions by artistic freedom, particularly freedom of expression. Thereby tendencies of the national jurisdiction will be determined, and the critical arguments of the scientific literature will be considered. In conclusion the summary of the valuations and results will be presented. ; vorgelegt von Dino Krijan ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3550062

Adheridos a la tendencia teórica de comprender al Estado como un fenómeno histórico y sociocultural, este artículo se enfoca en los marcos discursivos producidos y desplegados por las y los actores locales de El Jobito durante los espacios de encuentro con funcionarios públicos, en el marco del proyecto de represa Tuy IV, ejecutado por el Estado venezolano. Desde una perspectiva etnográfica de lo político, se indaga cómo los actores sociales en el proceso de comprensión de su situación de amenaza de desalojo conciben y deconstruyen una idea de Estado que les permite posicionarse como sujetos políticos y generar diálogos en busca de reconocimiento, visibilización y redistribución de la riqueza. Analizamos cómo los jobiteños elaboraron y experimentaron dos versiones simultáneas del Estado: el Estado vivido como amenaza y el Estado anhelado benefactor. Argumentamos que la construcción local de dicha dualidad es el resultado tanto de procesos emotivos cimentados en la imagen del Estado construida y proyectada desde la figura central del poder: el presidente de la república, como de procesos de interacción entre funcionarios públicos y actores locales. Concluimos que las y los actores producen una construcción ambivalente e inacabada del Estado que permite entender parte del complejo proceso hegemónico que genera un Estado como el venezolano. ; Following the anthropological studies about the state as a historical and sociocultural artifact, this article focuses on the discursive frameworks produced and deployed by local actors of El Jobito during the encounters with official agents, in the context of the Tuy IV dam project running by the Venezuelan state. From an ethnography of politics, this paper shows how social actors conceive and deconstruct an idea of the state that allows them to position themselves as political subjects and generate dialogues seeking recognition, visibility and redistribution of wealth. It shows how the jobiteños experienced two simultaneous versions of the state: the real state lived as a threat and the imagined state as good and generous. These two versions of the state should not be assumed as a classical binary opposition but rather as a duality, as a dissonance of the dialectical relation between the practices and representations of the state. This duality of the state, far from reifying it as a coherent entity, highlights its local understanding as an emotional entity and multiple voiced character that allowed the jobiteños to locate themselves before "the state" and open spaces for interaction and articulate discursively ith different instances of those magical, and malleable structures of power and social practices that make up the Venezuelan state. ; 307-339 ; bjuarezr@uwo.ca ; Cuatrimestral ; http://www.saber.ula.ve/fermentum/

The politics of citizenship and health care are two of the most contentious issues in the U.S. today, and their unstable intersection results in health inequalities for millions of people. My dissertation explores how anti-immigrant policies in the U.S. affect how immigrants and their healthcare providers have negotiated biological and social risks during turbulent political times. Through qualitative methods and social theory, my dissertation interrogates citizenship as a structural determinant of health in the U.S.Specifically, I ask: How does political polarization around U.S. health and immigration policy affect the health care of noncitizen patients in safety-net clinics? To answer this question, I conducted ethnographic observations and in-depth interviews with 59 participants in two states with juxtaposed immigrant policies. Between 2015 and 2018, I spoke with immigrant patients, clinic staff and providers, and community partners to understand how they responded to changing federal health and immigration policies. I also shadowed clinic workers and attended public meetings where these policies were discussed. Using grounded theory methodologies and theories of legal violence and biopolitics, I reveal how anti-immigrant administrations at federal and state levels have used policy uncertainty to discipline both immigrant patients and the institutions that serve them. In the progressive state, the 2016 election set local clinics on a crash course with increasingly aggressive federal immigration enforcement and turned their trusted medical-legal bureaucracies into a potential tool for immigrant surveillance through a process I refer to as "medical legal violence". In the conservative state, clinics seemed more prepared to weather federal policy realignment but worried about expanding federal health exclusions. In both states, participants expressed increasing panic as the Trump administration enacted zero-tolerance immigration enforcement and broadened surveillance strategies.My comparative fieldwork suggests that anti-immigrant policymakers have ingeniously leveraged medical bureaucracies to expand legal violence against noncitizens in the U.S. In my dissertation, I contextualize how contemporary U.S. health and immigration policies came to be, with a particular focus on how the increasing criminalization of Latinx immigrants results in biological harms while reproducing existing inequalities. I also examine case law and bureaucratic documents and trace a before-and-after arc from 1996 immigration and welfare reforms, to the announcement of President Obama's executive orders on immigration, and through the first years of the Trump administration. I review the political evolution that led to heightened exclusion and enforcement through clinical mechanisms in the U.S., and I trace how participants from two juxtaposed sites have weathered these challenges in relation to the biopolitics of immigrant health today. These timely findings suggest that the biomedicalization of citizenship boundaries in the U.S. has material consequences for immigrant health, with implications for sociological understandings of citizenship, immigrant health policy, and health justice in the United States more broadly.

In dieser Arbeit werden die Funktion des Generalsekretärs in den Bundesministerien und die Funktion Konferenz der Generalsekretäre untersucht. Der "Generalsekretär" wurde mit der Novelle zum Bundesministeriengesetz 1986 mit einer Vorgesetztenfunktion gegen-über den Sektionschefs und allen untergeordneten Abteilungen und Dienststellen ausge-stattet. Dadurch wurde diese Funktion wichtiger für die politische Führung. Von der Konferenz der Generalsekretäre gab es bis zur Amtsenthebung der Bundesregie-rung durch den Bundespräsidenten, infolge eines Misstrauensantrages im Mai 2019, keine öffentlichen Berichte. Anhand von Untersuchungen parlamentarischer Anfragen, Minister-ratsvorträgen, Lebensläufe der Generalsekretäre und einer historischen Betrachtung des Bundesministeriengesetz 1986 wurde die Tätigkeit und Funktion der Generalsekretäre und der Konferenz der Generalsekretäre erschlossen. Die Fragestellungen: "Welche Konsequenzen ergeben sich für die politische Führung und Verwaltung aus der Gesetzesnovelle zum Bundesministeriengesetz 1986, bezüglich der Generalsekretäre?" "Was wurde seit in Kraft treten der Gesetzesnovelle über das Wirken der Generalsekretä-re und der Konferenz der Generalsekretäre bekannt?" "Was wurde infolge der Beendigung der türkisen Alleinregierung über die weitere Tätigkeit der Generalsekretäre bekannt?" Die Fragestellungen lassen sich nur durch qualitative Forschung samt Inhaltsanalysen beantworten. Aufgrund der gemeinsamen, einheitlichen Politik der beiden Regierungsparteien, ÖVP und FPÖ, war es möglich, die Funktion der Generalsekretäre und der Konferenz der General-sekretäre als gemeinsames Instrument und der Kontrolle und Koordination der einzelnen Bundesministerien einzuführen. Eine besondere Bedeutung kommt dem Ministervortrag vom 08. Mai 2019 und den parlamentarischen Anfragen mit ihren Beantwortungen zu. ; In this assignment, the role of the general secretary in the federal ministries and the role of the conference of the general secretaries are being reviewed. In the amendment of the federal ministry law of 1986, the general secretary has been equipped with a superior po-sition above that of the head of department and all other departments and offices. Until the dismissal of the federal government by the federal president in May 2019 due to a motion of no-confidence, there have been no official reports of the conference of the gen-eral secretaries. After examinations have been done of inquiries of parliamentarian requests, speeches of the counsel of ministries and a historical view of the federal ministerial law have been viewed the function of the general secretary and conference of general secretaries was developed. Questions that arose from the above-mentioned examination could be summarised as follows: "Which consequences for the political leadership and management have resulted from the amendment of a general secretary?" "What has become known about the activity of the general secretary and conference of the general secretaries, after the enforcement of the amendment of the federal law of 1986?" "What has become known of the further activity of the general secretary after entourage of the late conservative government in their exclusivity?" Answers for these questions can only be found in the analysis of contents, which have been done in a qualified research. Based on the communal and unitary politics of both the conservative and right-winged par-ties, ÖVP and FPÖ, through the position of the general secretaries and conference of the general secretaries, it has been possible to create an instrument of control and coordina-tion of all federal ministries. The ministerial report of 8 May 2019 and the parliamentary questions with their answers deserve particular attention. ; vorgelegt von: Johannes Nikolaus Filip ; Wien, FH Campus Wien, Masterarb., 2019 ; (VLID)4554194

Die folgende Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit dem Thema Stadtmigration in Astana (Kasachstan) und befasst sich mit der Forschungsfrage wie das Alltagsleben von Zugezogenen in der neuen Hauptstadt von Kasachstan aussieht. Mein Ziel war es, die verschiedenen Facetten des Alltagslebens und die daraus folgenden Herausforderungen zu untersuchen. Astana, seit 1997 die neue Hauptstadt von Kasachstan, wird oft das "Dubai Zentralasiens" genannt. Die kasachische Regierung wirbt für Astana als einen Grundpfeiler der neuen kasachischen nationalen Identität und als ein Symbol für das moderne, westliche, reiche neue Kasachstan. Die kasachischen Eliten feiern Astana als einen Triumph von Präsident Nazarbayev. Meine Forschung beruht darauf, dass ich vielfältige Selbsterzählungen von Kasachen sammelte, die nach Astana kamen um es zu "erobern". Damit leistet die Dissertation einen Beitrag zur urbanen Ethnographie in Zentralasien. Die Arbeit besteht aus fünf Hauptkapiteln. Kapitel eins umfasst die Einleitung und legt die theoretische und methodologische Grundlage der Arbeit fest. Der theoretische Ansatz von Setha Low "co-production of space" (the social production and social construction of space) leitet die Forschungsfrage und der Begriff von Liminality (Turner 1967, Thomassen, 2014) wird als zentrales Grundkonzept die Analyse der Arbeit begleiten. Kapitel zwei beschreibt die Zugezogenen und definiert diese als priezzhie, die sich im Status von "in-between" befinden. Kapitel drei beschreibt die Wohnsituation junger Zugezogener in Astana und Kapitel vier schildert das Single Leben von jungen Frauen. In den letzten Kapiteln geht es darum, welche Möglichkeiten und Chancen sich den Zugezogenen bieten, ihre Träume und Vorstellungen umzusetzen. Zusammenfassend lässt sich sagen, dass die Erfahrungen, welche Zugezogene in Astana machen, sehr gut als Beispiele für liminal personae und liminales Wohnen verstanden werden können. ; The dissertation aims to answer the research question of what it means for various groups of individuals to live in Astana on a daily basis. As the new capital, Astana attracted a large number of internal migrants from various parts of Kazakhstan, who searched for better prospects and lives. Officially, the new capital is promoted by Kazakhstan's government as "city of the future" and regards it as President Nazarbayev's (1991-2019) most successful project. The dissertation offers an ethnographic contribution to urban experiences of migrants in Central Asia. The dissertation is divided into five main chapters. Chapter one offers an introduction to the theme and outlines major theoretical framework and the methodology on which the research is based. I apply the theory of the co-production of space (the social production and social construction of space) outlined by Setha Low to integrate the 'spatial' aspect as an integral part of my research. In addition, I employ the concept of liminality (Turner, 1967, Thomassen, 2014) as the central idea to analyze the stories of my informants. Within this framework, I argue that Astana's unique urban space supports the emergence of liminal personae, liminal housing arrangements, lifestyles and career aspirations which are mutually connected and influence each other. Accordingly, the second chapter describes the newcomers who are defined as 'priezzhie' and occupy an in-between status. The third chapter looks at housing and focuses on renting in shared flats. The fourth chapter is about the dating experiences of young women. The last chapter is about achieving success and career aspirations of newcomers. In conclusion, I argue that liminality explains the temporary fixation of the ambiguous, conflicting, and unstable order which has emerged for many newcomers in Astana.

On the basis of the analysis of criminal and legal literature, certain provisions of the Criminal Code of Ukraine and court practice of their application, the author has determined that the description of special features of the crime's subject through the construction of "in connection with the performance of official duties" used by the legislator in the disposition of the Art. 330 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine indicates the identity of the subject to the category of officials. At the same time, taking into account the dualism of criminal and legal approaches to the definition of the term of "an official" in the descriptions of a victim and the crime's subject, the author has emphasized on the application of the more narrow concept laid down in Part 3 of the Art. 18 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine and the Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of Ukraine dated from April 26, 2002 No. 5 "On judicial practice in cases of bribery". As a result, the author has come to the conclusion that a special subject of the crime under the Art. 330 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine may be officers of the departments of the National Police of Ukraine, the State Investigation Bureau, the Security Service of Ukraine, the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine, the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, the Office of State Security, the State Fiscal Service of Ukraine, the State Penal Service of Ukraine, the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, the President of Ukraine, officials of the President's Administration of Ukraine, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Supreme High Command General Headquarters of Ukraine, the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, the General Staff of Armed Forces of Ukraine, the unions, military units and units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the State Special Transport Service, the State Service for Special Communications and Information Protection of Ukraine, the National Guard of Ukraine, the Council of Ministers of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, regional, district, city and district in the cities, state administrations and local self-government agencies, as well as officials of enterprises, institutions and organizations that carry out state defense orders, conduct research and perform development in the defense area, etc. ; На основании анализа уголовно-правовой литературы и действующего законодательства определены специальные признаки субъекта преступления, предусмотренного ст.330 УК Украины. ; На підставі аналізу кримінально-правової літератури та чинного законодавства визначено спеціальні ознаки суб'єкта злочину, передбаченого ст.330 КК України.

Artykuł podejmuje ważny oraz złożony problem, związany z analizą wpływu kształtowania nowego porządku międzynarodowego dla polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Składa się on z trzech części: 1) ogólne tendencje niemieckich badań nad przemianami porządku międzynarodowego; 2) istota nowej strategii polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji; 3) wyzwania realizacji polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Jako czołowe państwo UE o rozbudowanych interesach globalnych Niemcy będące czwartą gospodarką światową korzystały w XXI w. w dużym stopniu ze zdobyczy globalizacji oraz dominującego w skali całego świata – międzynarodowego porządku neoliberalnego. W tym kontekście pierwszoplanowe znaczenie dla Niemiec miała współpraca z Rosją jako partnerem strategicznym. Uległa ona ograniczeniu po przejściu Rosji do polityki jawnej agresji przeciw Ukrainie w 2014 r. (aneksja Krymu oraz wsparcia dla Separatystów w Donbasie), podważając tym samym istniejący porządek międzynarodowy. W konsekwencji nałożenia na Rosję sankcji – przez USA, kraje NATO i UE – ekipa rządząca na Kremlu na czele z W. Putinem dokonała zwrotu w kierunku pogłębienia współpracy z Chinami, zmierzając zarazem do osłabienia wpływów USA i budowy konkurencyjnego porządku multilateralnego. Napięcia i trudności w relacjach transatlantyckich na tle polityki "America first" nowego prezydenta USA D. Trumpa od początku 2017 skłoniła Niemcy do podtrzymania relacji z Rosją oraz Chinami w wymiarze bilateralnym i wielostronnym. ; The article addresses an important and complex problem concerning the analysis of the implications of shaping a new international order for Germany's policy towards Russia. It consists of three parts: 1. General tendencies of German research on changes in the international order, 2. The essence of the new German policy strategy vis-à-vis Russia, 3. Challenges for the implementation of Germany's policy towards Russia. As the leading EU country with extensive global interests, Germany – being the fourth global economy – in the 21st century benefited largely from the achievements of globalization and the international neoliberal order with the dominant role of the United States. In this context, cooperation with Russia as a strategic partner was of key importance to Germany. It was curtailed after Russia's transition to a policy of explicit aggression against Ukraine in 2014 (annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas), thus undermining the existing international order. As a consequence of imposing sanctions on Russia – by the USA, NATO countries and the EU – the Kremlin's leadership team headed by W. Putin made a shift towards deepening cooperation with China, aiming at weakening US influence and building a competitive multilateral order. Tensions and difficulties in transatlantic relations against the background of "America first" policy of the new US president D. Trump from the beginning of 2017 prompted Germany to maintain relations with Russia and China in a bilateral and multilateral dimension.

The article addresses an important and complex problem concerning the analysis of the implications of shaping a new international order for Germany's policy towards Russia. It consists of three parts: General tendencies of German research on changes in the international order, The essence of the new German policy strategy vis-à-vis Russia, Challenges for the implementation of Germany's policy towards Russia. As the leading EU country with extensive global interests, Germany – being the fourth global economy – in the 21st century benefited largely from the achievements of globalization and the international neoliberal order with the dominant role of the United States. In this context, cooperation with Russia as a strategic partner was of key importance to Germany. It was curtailed after Russia's transition to a policy of explicit aggression against Ukraine in 2014 (annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas), thus undermining the existing international order. As a consequence of imposing sanctions on Russia – by the USA, NATO countries and the EU – the Kremlin's leadership team headed by W. Putin made a shift towards deepening cooperation with China, aiming at weakening US influence and building a competitive multilateral order. Tensions and difficulties in transatlantic relations against the background of "America first" policy of the new US president D. Trump from the beginning of 2017 prompted Germany to maintain relations with Russia and China in a bilateral and multilateral dimension. ; Artykuł podejmuje ważny oraz złożony problem, związany z analizą wpływu kształtowania nowego porządku międzynarodowego dla polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Składa się on z trzech części: 1) ogólne tendencje niemieckich badań nad przemianami porządku międzynarodowego; 2) istota nowej strategii polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji; 3) wyzwania realizacji polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Jako czołowe państwo UE o rozbudowanych interesach globalnych Niemcy będące czwartą gospodarką światową korzystały w XXI w. w dużym stopniu ze zdobyczy globalizacji oraz dominującego w skali całego świata – międzynarodowego porządku neoliberalnego. W tym kontekście pierwszoplanowe znaczenie dla Niemiec miała współpraca z Rosją jako partnerem strategicznym. Uległa ona ograniczeniu po przejściu Rosji do polityki jawnej agresji przeciw Ukrainie w 2014 r. (aneksja Krymu oraz wsparcia dla Separatystów w Donbasie), podważając tym samym istniejący porządek międzynarodowy. W konsekwencji nałożenia na Rosję sankcji – przez USA, kraje NATO i UE – ekipa rządząca na Kremlu na czele z W. Putinem dokonała zwrotu w kierunku pogłębienia współpracy z Chinami, zmierzając zarazem do osłabienia wpływów USA i budowy konkurencyjnego porządku multilateralnego. Napięcia i trudności w relacjach transatlantyckich na tle polityki "America first" nowego prezydenta USA D. Trumpa od początku 2017 skłoniła Niemcy do podtrzymania relacji z Rosją oraz Chinami w wymiarze bilateralnym i wielostronnym.

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school (Praksisovci). It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality, bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny and legacy of the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis school, who were identified as the protests' instigators and subsequently expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their "ethico-political unsuitability". Under both international and domestic pressure, they were later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in Serbia – Dragoljub Mićunović as one of the founders of the modern Democratic Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Đinđić. Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day. ; Drugog svetskog rata koja je eksplicitno kritikovala rastuću društvenu nejednakost, birokratizaciju i nezaposlenost, i zahtevala slobodu govora i ukidanje privilegija. Ovaj članak fokusira se na sudbinu osmoro profesora sa Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu bliskih Praksis idejama, koje je režim identifikovao kao podstrekače protesta i kasnije ih proterao sa fakulteta zbog njihove "moralno-političke nepodobnosti". Nakon međunarodnih i unutrašnjih pritisaka, oni su kasnije ponovo zaposleni u zasebnoj istraživačkoj jedinici nazvanoj Centar za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, gde su zadržali svoju kritičku oštricu i zagovarali politički pluralizam. Od kraja osamdesetih godina prošlog veka, oni i njihove kolege iz Centra postaju politički aktivni, nalaze se među osnivačima i kasnije liderima Demokratske Stranke i povremeno zauzimaju najviše položaje u Srbiji – Dragoljub Mićunović kao predsedavajući Narodne skupštine, bivši srpski predsednik i premijer Vojislav Koštunica i nekadašnji premijer Zoran Đinđić. Međutim, dok su neki članovi osmorke i Centra postali čvrsti anti-nacionalisti i antiratni aktivisti, drugi su prigrlili srpski nacionalizam, tako predvodeći intelektualni razdor na Prvu i Drugi Srbiju koji je obeležio srpsko društvo devedesetih godina prošlog veka, i ostao uticajan do danas.

The formation of the Carpatho-Ukrainian state in 1938-1939 was the result of a many years activity of the Ukrainian patriotic forces in all spheres of social life in Transcarpathia. The short-lived existence of an autonomous and subsequently independent Transcarpathian region with the alternate names "Subcarpathian Rus" and "Carpathian Ukraine" coincided with the intense political crisis in Central Europe that became the detonator of World War II. The situation of the Carpathian Ukraine in the late 1930s should be considered in at least two areas: as a subject of political processes and as one of the stages of the Ukrainian people's struggle for independence, especially taking into account the fact that here we talk only about a separate part of the Ukrainian lands. Czechoslovakia's attitude to Transcarpathia and to the Ukrainian problem in general differed significantly from the policy, concerned with the Ukrainian idea, in other European countries, first of all in Hungary and Poland. This fact undoubtedly contributed to a clear Ukrainian course by the President of Carpathian Ukraine Augustine Voloshyn, albeit with a focus on German patronage, and the local government received comprehensive support from Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia. This support resulted in a mass of illegal crossings of the Polish-Czechoslovak border, holding a number of protest actions in the cities of Eastern Galicia, the infusion of the inhabitants of Galicia into the National Defense Organization "Carpathian Sich". Such solidarity of the inhabitants of Galicia with the national liberation struggle of the Transcarpathian Ukrainians testified to their sincere desire to help, but at the same time it complicated the international position of Czechoslovakia, exacerbating Czechoslovak-Hungarian and Czechoslovak Polish interstate relations. Polish authorities have repeatedly appealed to Prague for protests, demanding the immediate extradition of their citizens, many of whom were part of the "Carpathian Sich" military headquarters. The anti-Polish actions of individual radical-minded Galicians and Transcarpathian nationalists, including the attacks on the Polish consulate in Svalyava, also played a negative role. An important role was played by the fact that the Carpathian Ukraine was supported by Halych Metropolitan Archbishop Andrey Sheptytsky. Ukrainians of Galicia, who were in Transcarpathia, took an active part in the defense of Carpathian Ukraine in March 1939. ; У статті, на основі уведення до наукового обігу архівних та опублікованих документів, найновіших публікацій українських і зарубіжних істориків, зроблено спробу висвітлити громадсько-політичні взаємини українців Східної Галичини і Закарпаття напередодні Другої світової війни. Автор доводить, що нелегальні переходи чехословацько-польського кордону свідчили про солідарність галичан із національно-визвольною боротьбою закарпатських українців. Разом з цим, вони викликали негативну реакцію польської влади, яка прагнула встановити спільний угорсько-польський кордон у 1938-1939 рр.

The formation of the Carpatho-Ukrainian state in 1938-1939 was the result of a many years activity of the Ukrainian patriotic forces in all spheres of social life in Transcarpathia. The short-lived existence of an autonomous and subsequently independent Transcarpathian region with the alternate names "Subcarpathian Rus" and "Carpathian Ukraine" coincided with the intense political crisis in Central Europe that became the detonator of World War II. The situation of the Carpathian Ukraine in the late 1930s should be considered in at least two areas: as a subject of political processes and as one of the stages of the Ukrainian people's struggle for independence, especially taking into account the fact that here we talk only about a separate part of the Ukrainian lands. Czechoslovakia's attitude to Transcarpathia and to the Ukrainian problem in general differed significantly from the policy, concerned with the Ukrainian idea, in other European countries, first of all in Hungary and Poland. This fact undoubtedly contributed to a clear Ukrainian course by the President of Carpathian Ukraine Augustine Voloshyn, albeit with a focus on German patronage, and the local government received comprehensive support from Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia. This support resulted in a mass of illegal crossings of the Polish-Czechoslovak border, holding a number of protest actions in the cities of Eastern Galicia, the infusion of the inhabitants of Galicia into the National Defense Organization "Carpathian Sich". Such solidarity of the inhabitants of Galicia with the national liberation struggle of the Transcarpathian Ukrainians testified to their sincere desire to help, but at the same time it complicated the international position of Czechoslovakia, exacerbating Czechoslovak-Hungarian and Czechoslovak Polish interstate relations. Polish authorities have repeatedly appealed to Prague for protests, demanding the immediate extradition of their citizens, many of whom were part of the "Carpathian Sich" military headquarters. The anti-Polish actions of individual radical-minded Galicians and Transcarpathian nationalists, including the attacks on the Polish consulate in Svalyava, also played a negative role. An important role was played by the fact that the Carpathian Ukraine was supported by Halych Metropolitan Archbishop Andrey Sheptytsky. Ukrainians of Galicia, who were in Transcarpathia, took an active part in the defense of Carpathian Ukraine in March 1939. ; У статті, на основі уведення до наукового обігу архівних та опублікованих документів, найновіших публікацій українських і зарубіжних істориків, зроблено спробу висвітлити громадсько-політичні взаємини українців Східної Галичини і Закарпаття напередодні Другої світової війни. Автор доводить, що нелегальні переходи чехословацько-польського кордону свідчили про солідарність галичан із національно-визвольною боротьбою закарпатських українців. Разом з цим, вони викликали негативну реакцію польської влади, яка прагнула встановити спільний угорсько-польський кордон у 1938-1939 рр.

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; The main hypothesis of this PhD dissertation is that novel Deep Learning algorithms can outperform classical Machine Learning methods for the task of Information Extraction in the Biomedical Domain. Contrary to classical systems, Deep Learning models can learn the representation of the data automatically without an expert domain knowledge and avoid the tedious and time-consuming task of defining relevant features. A Drug-Drug Interaction (DDI), which is an essential subset of Adverse Drug Reaction (ADR), represents the alterations in the effects of drugs that were taken simultaneously. The early recognition of interacting drugs is a vital process that prevents serious health problems that can cause death in the worst cases. Health-care professionals and researchers in this domain find the task of discovering information about these incidents very challenging due to the vast number of pharmacovigilance documents. For this reason, several shared tasks and datasets have been developed in order to solve this issue with automated annotation systems with the capability to extract this information. In the present document, the DDI corpus, which is an annotated dataset of DDIs, is used with Deep Learning architectures without any external information for the tasks of Name Entity Recognition and Relation Extraction in order to validate the hypothesis. Furthermore, some other datasets are tested to evidence the performance of these systems. To sum up, the results suggest that the most common Deep Learning methods like Convolutional Neural Networks and Recurrent Neural Networks overcome the traditional algorithms concluding that Deep Learning is a real alternative for a specific and complex scenario like the Information Extraction in the Biomedical domain. As a final goal, a complete architecture that covers the two tasks is developed to structure the named entities and their relationships from raw pharmacological texts. ; This thesis has been supported by: Pre-doctoral research training scholarship of the Carlos III University of Madrid (PIF UC3M 02-1415) for four years. Research Program of the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness - Government of Spain, (DeepEMR project TIN2017-87548-C2-1-R). Research Program of the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness - Government of Spain, (eGovernAbility-Access project TIN2014-52665-C2-2-R). Doctoral stay TEAM - Technologies for information and communication, Europe - east Asia Mobilities project (Erasmus Mundus Action 2-Strand 2 Programme) funded by the European Commission realized in the University of Tokyo, Japan, for the Aizawa Laboratory in National Institute of Informatics (NII) for seven months. ; Publicado ; Programa de Doctorado en Ciencia y Tecnología Informática por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: Ricardo Aler Mur.- Secretario: Alberto Díaz Esteban.- Vocal: María Herrero Zazo

Ahlu al-Halli wa al-'Aqdi are people who have the authority to loosen and bind (parse). They are the highest power holders who have the authority to direct the lives of the people to the masses. They have the authority to make laws that are binding on all people in matters that are not strictly regulated by the Qur'an and al-Hadits. And they are also a place to consult with an Imam (Leader) in determining their wisdom. The position of Ahlu al-Halli wa al-'Aqdi in an Islamic state is to embrace the power of the people as a form of supreme power over delegations from Allah SWT. It is said that because the power is the right of the people delegated to the head of state as a party that is obliged to obey. The power of the ummah has been collected in an institution called Ahlu al-Halli wa al-'Aqdi. In an Islamic country, such power in forming rules cannot be separated from the texts of the Qur'an and as-Sunnah. In the power of a country, this power is divided into three parts, namely: Legislative Power, Executive, and Judicative. Abu A'la al-Maududi explained with the three types of power as follows: Legislative Power is a power which is an institution based on the terminology of identical fiqh referred to as an intermediary institution and fatwa giver (Ahlu al-Halli wa al-'Aqdi). Whereas Executive Power is the power of Ulil Amri or Umara who is tasked with upholding the guidelines of Allah SWT delivered through the Qur'an and as-Sunnah and to prepare the community to acknowledge and adhere to these guidelines to be carried out in their daily lives . The Judicial Power is the power of the judiciary (qadhaa) whose duty is to uphold God's laws in people's lives. In the power of the head of state, it can be said that Ahlu al-Halli wa al-'Aqdi is a voter institution. The people are located as people's representatives and one of their duties is to elect a caliph or head of state. This shows that the election system of the caliph in the perspective of Islamic scholars and the tendency of Muslims in the first generation (in history) is indirect election or through representatives. In this case, functionally the same as the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in Indonesia as the highest state institution and representative body of the people whose personalities are people's representatives, elected by the people through an Election (General Election). One of the tasks is to elect the president (as head of state and head of government).

The United States of America has been in a state of continual war in Afghanistan and across the Middle East for 18 years. Three sitting presidents, two of which inherited the war from their predecessor, have authorized to either extend or increase military spending and troop levels, slowly bleeding the retrograde process of exiting Afghanistan over the past decade, with no foreseeable resolution in sight. Returning service-members, who themselves make up but a fraction of the ½% of the U.S. population serving in the military are met by a largely uninformed and unmoved public unaware of the difficulties of reintegrating weaponized bodies and brains back into their communities. I believe this is due to the following two factors: first, the implementation and professionalization of a post-Vietnam War, all-volunteer military, and second, the valorization/idealization of service-members and veterans within popular society. In addition to these cultural trends, the Department of Defense (DoD) has continued to develop weapons systems technology far beyond the rifles and bayonets of preceding wars- instead, human actors are increasingly plugged into rhizomatic networks of algorithms and data for application overseas. Not only does this keep service members twice removed from the battlefield, but it also seats them within an ecosystem of data exchange, information, and execution increasing mediated through screens and digital readouts, and away from the real world effects of U.S. interventionism overseas. It is not a question of whether this industrial complex of body, tech, and ideology exists, but to what extent, and to what end. History has proven that a standing defense force is necessary at every level and formulation of social organization- that much is not in question. What remains to be seen is whether the United States can field such a force with the informed, deliberate consent of its public. I've delineated the evolution of my research and practice into three distinct phases, each of which builds on the knowledge and experience of the previous concepts. The first, Weaponization details the conditioning process through which behavior modification, motor learning, and psychology are used to desensitize service members to the commitment of institutional violence on behalf of the U.S. government, a process I experienced first-hand. The second, Response, plots the re-emergence from the rhizomatic power structures of the military and State through reintegration/reclamation/repurposing of the body/mind dynamic using the principles of somatic awareness, improvisational body movement (dance), and performance. The third, Social Engagement, outlines the full circle of integration back into society as teacher, facilitator, and mediator through the arts.

El debat sobre la regulació d'armes ha sigut constant a la història dels Estats Units, particularment en els debats en relació al significat polític i legal de la 2a esmena. En concret, el debat ha pres protagonisme a l'escenari polític contemporani a causa del problema de salut pública que suposa actualment la violència armada al país. A aquest treball es teoritzen des de una perspectiva post-estructuralista les narratives contemporànies a favor dels drets a tenir armes i, en particular, s'analitzen les pràctiques discursives de Donald Trump respecte a la regulació d'armes. Mitjançant aquesta anàlisi es defensa que el discurs de Donald Trump s'ha d'entendre com a part de les narratives iniciades als anys 70 pels gun-right movements, i que aquest sedimenta la relació entre l'"americà mitjà" com a subjecte polític i els discursos dominants sobre la regulació d'armes. ; El debate sobre la regulación de armas ha sido constante en la historia de los Estados Unidos, particularmente en los debates en relación con el significado político y legal de la 2a enmienda. En concreto, el debate ha tomado protagonismo en el escenario político contemporáneo a causa del problema de salud pública que supone actualmente la violencia armada en el país. En este trabajo se teorizan desde una perspectiva post-estructuralista las narrativas contemporáneas en favor de los derechos a tener armas y, en particular, se analizan las prácticas discursivas de Donald Trump respecto a la regulación de armas. Mediante este análisis se defiende que el discurso de Donald Trump se debe entender como parte de las narrativas iniciadas en los 70s por los gun-right movements, y que este sedimenta la relación del "americano medio" como sujeto político y los discursos dominantes sobre la regulación de armas. ; The debate around gun control has been central to the history of the United States, specifically the debates around the legal and political meaning of the 2nd amendment. In particular, the debate has gained prominence on the current political landscape, as the issue of gun violence is becoming more of a threat to public health. In this study the contemporary narratives around gun-rights are theorised through a post-structuralist perspective. Moreover, this theoretical perspective is complemented with the analysis of the discursive practices of the elected president Donald Trump around this same matter. Through this analysis, it is concluded that Donald Trump's discourse has to be understood as part of the discourses started by the gun-right movements around the 70s. Furthermore, it is argued that this discourse goes alongside a process of discursive sedimentation that relates the political figure of the "law-abiding American" with the dominant discourses of the current debate.