Preface and acknowledgements / Demetrios James Caraley -- Introduction / Robert Jervis -- American ways of foreign policy and foreign responses -- The lessons of September 11, Iraq, and the American pendulum / Christopher Hemmer -- From the "red juggernaut" to Iraqi WMD: threat inflation and how it succeeds in the United States / Jeffrey M. Cavanaugh -- The rise of a European defense / Seth G. Jones -- The neoconservative heritage and its flaws -- "The civilization of clashes": misapplying the democratic peace in the Middle East / Piki Ish-shalom -- Credibility and the war on terror / Christopher J. Fettweis -- Human rights and civil liberties -- U.S. human rights policy in the post-Cold War era / John W. Dietrich -- The rhetoric of genocide in U.S. foreign policy: Rwanda and Darfur compared / Eric A. Heinze -- Tragic choices in the war on terrorism: should we try to regulate and control torture? / Jerome Slater
John Quincy Adams warned Americans not to search abroad for monsters to destroy, yet such figures have frequently habituated the discourses of U.S. foreign policy. This collection of essays focuses on counter-identities in American consciousness to explain how foreign policies and the discourse surrounding them develop. Whether it is the seemingly ubiquitous evil of Hitler during World War II or the more complicated perceptions of communism throughout the Cold War, these essays illuminate the cultural contexts that constructed rival identities. The authors challenge our understanding of
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The United States utilizes a vast arsenal of foreign policy tools to induce, compel, and deter changes in other nations' foreign policies. Traditionally, U.S. foreign policy research focuses on the degree of success the U.S. Government has achieved when seeking specific objectives such as improvements in human rights conditions, democratic change, trade policies, and a host of other goals. In this Letort Paper, the author analyzes the extent to which intrastate and interstate conflict and terrorism in other nations are influenced by the depth and breadth of their military and foreign policy relationships with the United States. More specifically, he empirically analyzes the degree to which U.S. military and foreign policies such as the stationing of U.S. military personnel; the use of military force; the provision of foreign assistance, as well as a more general similarity of foreign policy interests between the United States and a foreign regime are statistically related to interstate and intrastate conflict and terrorist activity. The paper will better enable policymakers to identify which nations are most likely to become potential threats to American interests, and determine which mix of policy options works best in preventing the outbreak of terrorism and conflict within and among nations. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1645/thumbnail.jpg
The U.S. relations to Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People's Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
IN 1945, THE US EMERGED FROM WWII PREPARED TO HELP SHAPE A NEW WORLD ORDER. A SMALL GROUP OF POLICYMAKERS, INCLUDING PAUL NITZE, DIRECTOR OF THE POLICY PLANNING STAFF AT THE STATE DEPARTMENT, GATHERED TO CREATE A STRATEGY THAT WOULD HELP GUIDE THE NEW SUPERPOWER. WHAT DEVELOPED, NSC-68, WAS A COMPREHENSIVE DOCUMENT THAT ENCOMPASSED THE ROOTS OF AMERICA'S CONTAINMENT POLICY AND WOULD PROVE TO BE THE BACKBONE OF US FOREIGN POLICY FOR DECADES TO COME. IN THIS ARTICLE, NITZE DISCUSSES HIS REFLECTIONS ON NSC-68. HE LAYS OUT NEW GUIDELINES FOR US FOREIGN POLICY AS THE IT MOVES INTO THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY.
John Quincy Adams warned Americans not to search abroad for monsters to destroy, yet such figures have frequently habituated the discourses of U.S. foreign policy. This collection of essays focuses on counter-identities in American consciousness to explain how foreign policies and the discourse surrounding them develop. Whether it is the seemingly ubiquitous evil of Hitler during World War II or the more complicated perceptions of communism throughout the Cold War, these essays illuminate the cultural contexts that constructed rival identities. The authors challenge our understanding of "others," looking at early applications of the concept in the eighteenth century to recent twenty-first century conflicts, establishing how this phenomenon is central to decision making through centuries of conflict.--
Examines divisions among conservatives on US role in the post-Cold War period; implications for the 2000 presidential election. Finds conservatives and neoconservatives are more numerous and influential of foreign, defense, and national security issues that centrists and economic libertarians.
