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International audience ; This study attempts to describe the partisan and dangerous role that the electoral judge plays in order to regulate the litigations related to the electoral disputes of the presidential and legislative elections in French-speaking Africa and particularly in Gabon and DR Congo. Attention was paid to the litigation of the presidential and legislative elections of 2016 in Gabon and those of 2011 and 2018 in DR Congo. The general economy of the electoral law in the two aforementioned countries, recognizes the competence of the Constitutional Court in the litigations related to presidential and national legislative elections. However, the work of the constitutional courts presented above, really denotes an appointment missed in a state of law, the finding remains mixed with respect to the contribution of the electoral judge in the legitimization of the electoral process and final results. As a result, the judgments of two Courts evoked only amplified post-election violence alongside political speeches fuelled by protests and popular manipulation, which caused massive violations of human rights through a bloody crackdown on protesters, and the endorsement of electoral push in Gabon and the DRC. ; Cette étude essaye de décrire le rôle partisan et dangereux que joue le juge électoral dans le règlement des litiges relatifs au contentieux électoral de l'élection présidentielle et législative en Afrique francophone et particulièrement, au Gabon et en RD Congo. Le regard a été fixé sur le contentieux de l'élection présidentielle et législative de 2016 au Gabon et celles de 2011 et 2018 en RD Congo. L'économie générale du droit électoral dans les deux pays étudiés, reconnaît la compétence de la Cour constitutionnelle en matière de contentieux de l'élection présidentielle et législative nationale. Mais le travail de ces Cours constitutionnelles en matière des contentieux électoraux de l'élection présidentielle et législative, dénote véritablement un rendezvous manqué dans un État de droit, le constat restant mitigé par rapport à l'apport du juge électoral dans la légitimation du processus électoral et des résultats finaux. Ce qui fait que les arrêts de deux Cours évoquées, n'ont fait qu'amplifier les violences postélectorales au côté des discours politiques animés par des contestations et la manipulation populaire qui ont donné lieu, à des violations massives des droits de l'homme à travers une répression sanglante des manifestants, et à l'entérinement des push électoraux au Gabon et en RDC.

In welcoming 2019 concurrent general elections, the General Election Commission issued PKPU No. 20 of 2018, one of which banned former convicts of corruption from becoming legislative candidates on the grounds that corruption is an extraordinary offense that is commonly practiced by legislators both individually and in congregation. The regulation is stated in Article 4 paragraph (3) PKPU No. 20 of 2018 concerning Nominations for Members of DPR, Provincial DPRD and Regency / City DPRD. However, the regulation was canceled with the issuance of Supreme Court decision No. 46 P / HUM / 2018. Based on this, the limitation of the problem of this research is how to measure the aspects of the legal objectives behind the decision No. 46 P / HUM / 2018 which are more pro-corrupt so that they can understand the judge's decidendi ratio in canceling the prohibition of ex-convicts from becoming legislators. This type of research is normative legal research with a statutory approach and conceptual approach. The theoretical basis in the presentation of research results is the theory of legal goals by Gustav Radbruch namely justice, certainty and usefulness which is compared with Islamic law. The results of this study indicate that the Supreme Court's consideration overturned PKPU No. 20 of 2018 because it is considered contrary to Article 240 of Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections and Article 12 of Law No. 12 of 2011 concerning Formation of Laws and Regulations. The Supreme Court's considerations in the a quo ruling contain the three legal objectives. However, it is more inclined to legal certainty, so it does not reflect the value of justice that lives in the community. The cause of not achieving the values of justice that live in the community in the a quo decision is because the basis for testing the regulation is Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections does not prohibit such matters, even though the nomination rules on the executive body namely the President and Vice President require that they do not have a bad track record. Likewise when viewed from Islamic law which requires legislative candidates called ahlul ahli wal aqdi must have a fair way which means having integrity and a good image in the society.

The dissertation consists of six self-contained chapters that are related to selected incentives in fiscal federalism by using the example of the federal system in Germany. The dissertation elaborates on political as well as fiscal incentives. Chapters 2 and 3 examine election cycles, based on the political business cycle theories. Chapter 2 examines whether election cycles occur in fees of German municipalities. The results show that municipalities have a leeway to decide on fees and use this leeway to improve election prospects. Chapter 3 investigates election cycles in salary increases of German state MPs, for which the states have the decision-making authority. The results do not show that electoral motives influence increases in MP salaries. Chapters 4 and 5 investigate how government ideology influences economic policy-making. Chapter 4 analyzes whether government ideology influences income inequality in the public sector of the German states by using data on salaries of civil servants. The results do not show that left-wing governments were more active in decreasing income inequality in the public sector than center or right-wing governments. Chapter 5 analyzes whether government ideology predicts tax policies of the German states. A reform of the fiscal constitution in 2006 allowed the states to set the tax rates of the real-estate transfer tax. By investigating the tax rate increases of the German states, the results show that left-wing governments were more active in increasing the tax rates than right-wing governments. Chapters 6 and 7 investigate fiscal incentives within the federal system in Germany by analyzing whether the institutional setting also provides incentives for states' tax policies. The German fiscal equalization scheme redistributes revenues among the federal and state level and between states equalizing funds for the states. The devolution of tax setting powers to the states in 2006 provides an interesting set-up to investigate the combination of tax autonomy and fiscal equalization. The descriptive results in Chapter 6 and the empirical analysis in Chapter 7 show that equalization substantially influences tax policies of the states. The redistribution of revenues within the equalization scheme provides incentives for the states to raise rather than to lower their tax rates.

AbstractThe general election is a means of implementing the people's sovereignty to elect people who will occupy the seat of government. This general election was held to realize a democratic country, where the leaders were chosen based on the majority of votes. Countries that adhere to democracy generally accommodate the political rights of their citizens in an election, whether they are direct or indirect. Basically everyone has the right to participate in government in other words everyone has the right to be elected or elected. Regarding to Election Commission Regulation Number 20 Year 2018 regarding the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional, there is one requirement for legislative candidate became controversial because there is a prohibition on ex-prisoners of corruption, drugs (as a dealer), and sexual crimes against children to be the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional. Some ex-convicts already did judicial review, therefore we need to understand the legality of the regulation for ex-convicts regarding to election.Key Words: Human Rights, Right to Participate in Government, Ex-convictAbstrakPemilihan umum adalah adalah sarana pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat untuk memilih orang-orang yang akan menduduki kursi pemerintahan. Pemilihan umum ini diadakan untuk mewujudkan negara yang demokrasi, di mana para pemimpinnya dipilih berdasarkan suara mayoritas terbanyak. Negara-negara yang menganut demokrasi, pada umumnya mengakomodir hak politik warga negaranya dalam suatu penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, baik itu bersifat langsung maupun tidak langsung. Pada dasarnya setiap orang memiliki hak untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemerintahan dengan kata lain setiap orang memiliki hak untuk dipilih maupun memilih. Peraturan KPU Nomor 20 Tahun 2018 tentang Pencalonan Anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota memberikan batasan satu syarat bagi calon anggota legislatif yang menjadi kontroversi karena adanya larangan bagi mantan narapidana korupsi, narkoba (sebagai bandar), dan kejahatan seksual terhadap anak untuk mencalonkan diri sebagai anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota. Beberapa pihak yang merasa dirugikan oleh peraturan tersebut mengajukan judicial review, oleh karena itu, patut dikaji bagaimana legalitas hak yang dimiliki oleh mantan narapidana dalam pemilihan umum.Kata Kunci: Hak Asasi Manusia, Hak untuk Turut Serta dalam Pemerintahan, Mantan Narapidana.

The Financing of Political Parties in Morocco, in the Light of the Legislation and Constitutional Jurisprudence Abstract: The political parties are vital institutions in contemporary democracies. The issue of financing political life is the backbone of any political system. This article examines the legal framework determining the conditions of state participation in funding political parties in the parliamentary elections and the criteria of distribution of allocations awarded by the State and control over the allocated means. The article refers in its development to the Moroccan Constitutional Council's jurisprudence regarding an important point introduced to the Electoral Code, namely the capping of election expenses. Keywords: Financing, political parties, elections, election campaigns, legislation, constitutional jurisprudence, spending limits. ; La financiación de los partidos políticos en Marruecos a la luz de la legislación y la jurisprudencia constitucional Resumen: Los partidos políticos son instituciones vitales en las democracias contemporáneas. La cuestión de la financiación de la vida política es la columna vertebral de cualquier sistema político. Este artículo permite examinar de antemano el marco jurídico para determinar las condiciones de participación del Estado en la financiación de los partidos políticos en las elecciones parlamentarias y los criterios de distribución de las asignaciones concedidas por el Estado y el control de los medios otorgados. El artículo se refiere en su desarrollo a la jurisprudencia del Consejo Constitucional marroquí en relación con un punto importante introducido en el código electoral, a saber, la limitación de los gastos electorales. Palabras clave:financiación, los partidos políticos, elecciones legislativas, campañas electorales, legislación, jurisprudencia constitucional, limitación de gasto. ; Résumé : Les partis politiques sont des institutions vitales dans les démocraties contemporaines. La question du financement de la vie politique est l'épine dorsale de tout système politique. Le présent article permet donc d'examiner au préalable le cadre juridique déterminant les conditions de la participation de l'État au financement des partis politiques lors des élections législatives ainsi que les critères de répartition des dotations accordées par l'État et le contrôle exercé sur les moyens octroyés. L'article se réfère dans son développement à la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel marocain relative à un point important introduit dans le code électoral, à savoir le plafonnement des dépenses électorales. Mots clés : Financement, partis politiques, élections législatives, campagnes électorales, législation, jurisprudence constitutionnelle, plafonnement des dépenses.

According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless political pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposition and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic. ; Według Juana Linza, autorytarni władcy dopuszczają ograniczony i bezsilny pluralizm polityczny i organizację wyborów, ale jasno pokazują, że zmiana władzy jest niemożliwa, a opozycja nie może przejąć władzy. Wybory w reżimach autorytarnych są częścią nominalnie demokratycznych instytucji i pomagają władzom legitymizować panujący reżim. Wybory nie są wolne ani uczciwe, a zatem nie stanowią szansy dla opozycji, aby wygrać i zmienić system polityczny w ich następstwie. Można zadać pytanie, jakiego rodzaju działania powinna podjąć opozycja w celu wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Jest to obecnie główny problem niesystemowej opozycji w Federacji Rosyjskiej. Z jednej strony ma ona problem z uzyskaniem dostępu do wyborów, ale z drugiej strony wie, że nawet gdyby mogła wziąć w nich udział, nie byłyby to wybory demokratyczne. Artykuł stara się rzucić światło na strategie niesystemowej opozycji rosyjskiej i możliwości jej wpływu na rosyjskie społeczeństwo, w warunkach gdy rząd próbuje marginalizować, osłabiać i ostatecznie niszczyć niesystemową opozycję. Artykuł przedstawia krytyczną analizę literatury i dokumentów na ten temat.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Bachelor of Laws Degree, Strathmore University Law School ; Women in Kenya have struggled historically to be included in politics. For a long time, women's rights have been sidelined because the male population have been the majority players in politics. Furthermore, the society is yet to accept women as capable of taking up leadership roles as they are still influenced by the patriarchal views embedded in the Kenyan culture. With time, women became aware of their inherent right to equal treatment and began to fight to be included. They did so by forming women movements and running as aspiring election candidates in elections. The likes of Martha Karua and Phoebe Asiyo tabled several affirmative action bills in order to increase the number of women in parliament. This push from female politicians and other factors that shall be discussed in this study led to the inclusion of the two-thirds gender rule in the new Constitution of Kenya. The realization of this rule was not outlined clearly thus causing havoc for parliament as they were unable to meet this threshold and feared being deemed unconstitutional. It has been five years since the last general election and parliament has not implemented any bills that would realize the two-thirds rule. This study was thus conducted to assess the capability of realizing the two-thirds gender rule in parliament in light of the factors such as looming male superiority in parliament, political parties' dynamics, the political history of Kenya and the nature of this rule. The study shows that political parties play a critical role in determining the number of both men and women in parliament as they are involved in the nomination process. Furthermore, the study notes that Kenya still has patriarchal notions embedded in its society. In order to realize the two-thirds rule, the study suggests that there be a legal quota for political parties. That is, political parties be subjected to a minimum threshold of the number of women and men they can be nominated to compete in elections. Furthermore, the constitution should be amended to shed clarity on the nature of the two-thirds rule and ways of implementing this rule.

En octubre de 2014 se celebraron las elecciones nacionales en Uruguay, resultando vencedor el expresidente Tabaré Vázquez y revalidándose la mayoría parlamentaria del Frente Amplio. Los resultados electorales fueron similares a los de 2009, confirmando el apoyo popular del Frente Amplio, en la presidencia desde 2005. En este trabajo se analizan los resultados en las elecciones legislativas y presidenciales de Uruguay en 2014, situándolos en la evolución del sistema de partidos uruguayo de las últimas décadas, a la vez que se atiende a la distribución territorial del voto, y el contexto político y socioeconómico previo a las elecciones. Igualmente se apunta a las principales claves para entender la tercera victoria consecutiva del Frente así como las implicaciones de dichos resultados a futuro tanto para el presidente Tabaré Vázquez como para el partido. Estas elecciones confirman el predominio del Frente Amplio en Uruguay, frente a los dos partidos tradicionales históricos, el Nacional y el Colorado, que llevan ya más de 10 años en la oposición, así como la división territorial del país: el interior apoya sobre todo a los partidos tradicionales, de centro-derecha, y la zona urbana, especialmente Montevideo, a la izquierda. In October 2014 the national elections in Uruguay took place, the expresident Tabaré Vázquez won and the Broad Front got again the parliamentary majority. The electoral results were quite similar to 2009, confirming the Broad Front's popular support, with the presidency since 2005. This paper aims to analyse the results in both presidential and legislative elections in Uruguay in 2014, contextualizing them in the Uruguayan party system evolution in recent decades, also focusing on the territorial distribution of the vote, and the prior political and socioeconomic context to the elections. Likewise, the main key factors to explain the third consecutive victory of the Front are highlighted, as well as what these results involve for the future, both for president Tabaré Vázquez and for the party. This election confirms the predominance of the Broad Front in Uruguay, in opposition to the two historical traditional parties, National and Coloured, which have been in the opposition for more than 10 years, as well as the territorial division of the country: inland supports center-right traditional parties, and the urban zone, Montevideo specially, the left.

Mauritania se encuentra inmersa en la celebración de las primeras elecciones legislativas y municipales tras la primavera árabe. Estas elecciones muestran el posicionamiento de los principales actores políticos y su relación con un régimen político autoritario y debilitado. Nuestro interés se centra en el análisis del papel ejercido por el partido Tawassoul en la primavera árabe y su participación en las elecciones legislativas y municipales. Otro actor fundamental en las movilizaciones ha sido Iniciativa para el Resurgimiento de un Movimiento Abolicionista en Mauritania (IRA). Tawassoul a pesar de haber mantenido posiciones de enfrentamiento al régimen político y al presidente Ould Abdel Aziz durante la primavera árabe, ha decidido participar en las elecciones rompiendo el boicot proclamado por la Coalición de la Oposición Democrática (COD) y su alianza con estos partidos. Por su parte, IRA mantiene sus posiciones iniciales defendidas durante las movilizaciones y eso le ha impedido ser reconocida legalmente como un partido político ; Mauritania is celebrating the first legislative and municipal elections following the Arab Spring. These elections show us the position of the main political actors and their relationship with the authoritarian political regime. Our interest is focused on the analysis of the role exerted in the Arab Spring by the Tawassoul party and its participation in the legislative and municipal elections. Since this approach other main character has been Initiative for the resurgence of the abolitionist movement (IRA). Tawassoul has decided to participate in the elections, in spite of its critiques against the political regime and the President Ould Abdel Aziz. This decision breaks the cohesion of the opposition parties and their boycott. However, the IRA maintains its positions during the Arab Spring and the conditions of a non-legalized party ; Este artículo ha sido elaborado en el marco del proyecto de investigación financiado por el Institut Català Internacional per la Pau: "Les revoltes àrabs. De la Violència unilateral a la guerra: Participació i impacte de l'Islam polític" (2011 RICIP00011); y el proyecto financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad "Revueltas populares del Mediterráneo a Asia central: genealogía histórica, fracturas de poder y factores identitarios" (HAR2012-34053)

ABSTRACT Political Segmentation is one of the political marketing strategy to win in the legislative elections. At present Legislative Elections in Kupang in 2009, the segmentation of voters who carried contribute to the incumbent candidate the victor. From the research, it was found that the victory of incumbent candidates legislative because: First, map out the incumbent the legislative candidate's segmentation voters to find the tendency of voters determine political choices begins with a basic voter identification, profiling of voters based on the likelihood of determining choice. After that, the next step carried a mapping of potential voters will be contested in order to get the contested seats in the constituency. Second, the incumbent of legislative candidate's treatment back segment of voters who once supported him in the elections last time. This political Segmentation very helpful a legislator candidate both the legislative candidate's incumbent and prospective new legislative or first started his political career in the arena of legislative elections in order to map out the and see more of the character segment of the electorate and give offer effective political keeping with the character segment of voters the target group in order to achieve the most votes. Keywords: Political Segmentation, legislative Voters, incumbent ABSTRAK Segmentasi Politik merupakan salah satu strategi pemasaran politik untuk meraih kemenangan dalam pemilu legislatif. Pada saat Pemilu Anggota Legislatif di Kota Kupang tahun 2009, segmentasi pemilih yang dilakukan caleg petahana berkontribusi bagi kemenangan caleg petahana. Dari hasil penelitian, ditemukan bahwa kemenangan calon legistif petahana dikarenakan: pertama, calon legislatif petahana memetakan segmentasi pemilih untuk menemukan kecenderungan pemilih menentukan pilihan politik yang diawali dengan melakukan Idenftikasi dasar pemilih, menyusun profil pemilh berdasarkan kecenderungan penentuan pilihan. Setelah itu, langkah selanjutnya dilakukan pemetaan potensi suara pemilih yang akan diperebutkan guna mendapatkan kursi yang diperebutkan di daerah pemilihan. Kedua, calon legislatif petahana melakukan perawatan kembali segmen pemilih yang pernah mendukungnya dalam pemuli legislatif kali lalu. Segmentasi politik ini, sangat membantu seorang calon legislatif baik calon legislatif petahana maupun calon legislatif yang baru atau pertama kalinya memulai karier politik dalam arena pemilu legislatif agar dapat memetakan dan mengenal lebih jauh karakter segmen pemilih dan memberikan tawaran politik yang efektif sesuai dengan karakter segmen pemilih yang menjadi kelompok sasaran agar dapat meraih suara terbanyak. Kata-kata kunci: Segmentasi Politik, Pemilih legislatif, Petahana

Livonian war of coadjutor's broke out when the estates protested against the election of Christopher of Mecklenburg as a coadjutor of archbishop of Riga. At the same time, another conflict occurred, when Land Marshal of the Teutonic Order in Livonia, Jasper von Munster protested against the election of Wilhelm von Furstenberg as the coadjutor of the Livonian Master. As a result of the latter, Jasper was deposed and had to flee to Kaunas, from where he fought in vain for his restitution. This article aims first to identify and analyse the political network supporting Jasper inside of the Teutonic Order, and second to study the way the administrative network of the Order functioned during the conflict. It appears that Jasper's political connections did not suffice to form his "party", which could divide the chapter of the Order. During the conflict, the officials of the Order mostly retained their loyalty to the organization. Jasper was able to form a small retinue or a court of a kind, which consisted of local nobility, minor officials and even some fellow brethren of the Order, but it was not enough to confront the rest of the Order. ; Livonian war of coadjutor's broke out when the estates protested against the election of Christopher of Mecklenburg as a coadjutor of archbishop of Riga. At the same time, another conflict occurred, when Land Marshal of the Teutonic Order in Livonia, Jasper von Munster protested against the election of Wilhelm von Furstenberg as the coadjutor of the Livonian Master. As a result of the latter, Jasper was deposed and had to flee to Kaunas, from where he fought in vain for his restitution. This article aims first to identify and analyse the political network supporting Jasper inside of the Teutonic Order, and second to study the way the administrative network of the Order functioned during the conflict. It appears that Jasper's political connections did not suffice to form his "party", which could divide the chapter of the Order. During the conflict, the officials of the Order mostly retained their loyalty to the organization. Jasper was able to form a small retinue or a court of a kind, which consisted of local nobility, minor officials and even some fellow brethren of the Order, but it was not enough to confront the rest of the Order.

Ante la espera de los resultados de los procesos electorales, puesto que el procesamiento de las actas de escrutinios que contienen los datos de cada una de las juntas receptoras del voto (JRV), tienen que procesarse en las juntas intermedias de escrutinio (JIE) y luego completar información con actas inconsistentes en la Delegación Provincial Electoral de Manabí, los resultados empezaban a aparecer varios días posterior al cierre de las elecciones, esta demora impacientaba a las organizaciones y actores político, perjudicando la imagen del CNE. La IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEL PROYECTO DE CONTEO RÁPIDO para el CNE Manabí en las elecciones del 23 de febrero de 2014, mediante la estrategia de uso de equipos tecnológicos, con software especializado en procesamiento de datos por medio de escaneo de actas de resultados, y envío de información procesada a una base de datos central, busca generar resultados inmediatos y determinar una garantía de escrutinio. El desarrollo de este proyecto reduce significativamente los tiempos de presentación pública de los resultados de las elecciones para las dignidades de alcaldes y prefectos, en la provincia de Manabí. Obteniendo calidad, precisión y transparencia, mediante progreso e innovación tecnológica en los comicios organizados. ; Before waiting for the results of the electoral process, since the processing of the records of indexes that contain the data of each receiver boards (JRV) vote, have processed in intermediate scrutiny (JIE) joints and then complete information with inconsistent records in the Provincial Electoral delegation of Manabí, results began to appear several days after the close of the elections This delay was irritating organizations and political actors, hurting the image of the CNE. The implementation of the quick count project for the CNE Manabí in elections on February 23, 2014, through the strategy of use of technological equipment, with specialized software in data processing by means of scanning records of results, and sending processed information to a central database, seeks to generate immediate results and determine a guarantee of scrutiny. The development of this project significantly reduces the times of public presentation of the results of the elections to the dignities of mayors and prefects, in the province of Manabí. Getting quality, precision and transparency, through progress and innovation in the organized elections.

Livonian war of coadjutor's broke out when the estates protested against the election of Christopher of Mecklenburg as a coadjutor of archbishop of Riga. At the same time, another conflict occurred, when Land Marshal of the Teutonic Order in Livonia, Jasper von Munster protested against the election of Wilhelm von Furstenberg as the coadjutor of the Livonian Master. As a result of the latter, Jasper was deposed and had to flee to Kaunas, from where he fought in vain for his restitution. This article aims first to identify and analyse the political network supporting Jasper inside of the Teutonic Order, and second to study the way the administrative network of the Order functioned during the conflict. It appears that Jasper's political connections did not suffice to form his "party", which could divide the chapter of the Order. During the conflict, the officials of the Order mostly retained their loyalty to the organization. Jasper was able to form a small retinue or a court of a kind, which consisted of local nobility, minor officials and even some fellow brethren of the Order, but it was not enough to confront the rest of the Order. ; Livonian war of coadjutor's broke out when the estates protested against the election of Christopher of Mecklenburg as a coadjutor of archbishop of Riga. At the same time, another conflict occurred, when Land Marshal of the Teutonic Order in Livonia, Jasper von Munster protested against the election of Wilhelm von Furstenberg as the coadjutor of the Livonian Master. As a result of the latter, Jasper was deposed and had to flee to Kaunas, from where he fought in vain for his restitution. This article aims first to identify and analyse the political network supporting Jasper inside of the Teutonic Order, and second to study the way the administrative network of the Order functioned during the conflict. It appears that Jasper's political connections did not suffice to form his "party", which could divide the chapter of the Order. During the conflict, the officials of the Order mostly retained their loyalty to the organization. Jasper was able to form a small retinue or a court of a kind, which consisted of local nobility, minor officials and even some fellow brethren of the Order, but it was not enough to confront the rest of the Order.

Abstract: Indonesian political system is a multi-party system, aiming is to adopt the national interests of heterogeneous nature. The legal basis of political parties is the Law Number 2, 2011 on Political Parties and the Law Number 8, 2012 on the Implementation of legislative elections. However, the existence of the Law Number 8, 2012 can be seen by the Constitutional Court Decision No. 52 / PUU-X / 2012, the point is to simplify the political parties contesting the election. Changes in the system are highlighted in the decision of the Court that is the application of Parlimentary Threshold, which previously was the electoral threshold. As a result, the Court's decision is not his next political party that does not cover the seats in parliament in the last election, to be able to follow the 2014 election; hence it discriminates against the value of democracy in Indonesia. Normative juridical is aplled in this research by applying historical approach. This is prescriptive analytical research. Secondary data including primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The data are then classified, and grouped, these will be analyzed with a qualitative approach. Keywords : Political Parties, Political Party Simplification. Abstrak: Sistem politik dianut Negara Indonesia adalah sistem multi partai, tujuannya adalah mengadopsi kepentingan warga negara yang sifatnya heterogen. Dasar hukum dari partai politik yaitu UU No. 2 Tahun 2011 tentang Partai Politik dan UU No. 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilu Legislatif. Namun, keberadaan dari UU No. 8 Tahun 2012 telah diputuskan oleh MK dengan Putusan No. 52/PUU-X/2012, yang intinya adalah menyederhanakan partai politik peserta pemilu. Perubahan sistem yang ditekankan dalam putusan MK tersebut adalah penerapan Parlimentary Treshold, dimana sebelumnya adalah electoral threshold. Akibat dari putusan MK tersebut adalah tidak bisa ikutnya partai politik yang tidak mencakupi kursi di parlemen pada pemilu sebelumnya, untuk dapat mengikuti pemilu 2014. Sehingga hal tersebut mendiskriminasi nilai demokrasi di Indonesia. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu penelitian yuridis normative, dengan pendekatan historical approach. Spesifikasi penelitian adalah preskriptif analitis. Adapun sumber data penelitian ini digunakan data sekunder yang mencakupi bahan hokum primer, bahan hokum sekunder dan bahan hokum tersier. Setelah data dikumpulkan, diklasifikasi, dan dikelompokkan maka akan dianalisis dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Kata kunci : Partai Politik dan Penyederhanaan Partai Politik.

Abstrak : Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui strategi komunikasi politik yang dilakukan oleh pasangan Ramdhan Pomanto–Syamsu Rizal pada pemilihan kepala daerah (PILKADA) kota Makassar tahun 2013, mengetahui strategi pemenangan, dan untuk mengetahui kaitan antara strategi komunikasi politik dengan pemenangan pasangan Ramadhan Pomanto–Syamsu Rizal. Penelitian ini dilaksanakan selama dua bulan yaitu bulan juli sampai dengan September 2014 di kota Makassar tepatnya pada posko tim pemenangan / tim pendukung sobat DIA dan unsur – unsur yang dianggap relevan dengan penelitian ini. Tipe penelitian ini bersifat deskriptif analisis yang telah diarahkan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisa fakta dengan argument yang tepat. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pasangan ini mampu memenangkan pemilihan kepala daerah dalam hal ini pemilihan walikota dan wakil walikota Makassar selain didukung oleh kemampuan dan tim yang solid juga pasangan ini menerapkan analisis SWOT dalam kampanye politik. Dengan adanya tim yang solid, strategi komunikasi politik yang baik dan dukungan tim pemenangan menunjukkan bahwa pasangan Ramdhan Pomanto dan Syamsu Rizal (Dia) mampu mengungguli sembilan pasangan kandidat lainnya dengan perolehan suara terbanyak yaitu 182.242 suara.Kata kunci : Strategi, Komunikasi, PilkadaAbstract : This study aims to determine the strategy of political communication done by couples Ramdhan Pomanto and Syamsu Rizal in local elections of Makassar in 2013; and to know the winning strategy; and to determine the links between the strategy of political communication with the winning pair of Ramadan Pomanto - Syamsu Rizal. The research was conducted during the two months started from July until September 2014 in the city of Makassar. It took place at post of winning team as the basic place; it was called by DIA, and also other elements that were considered relevant to this study. The type of research is descriptive analysis which aimed to define and analyze the facts with proper arguments. The results showed that the pair is able to win local elections in this election of mayor and deputy mayor of Makassar because of their good ability and performance. They were also supported by a solid team which applied SWOT analysis within political campaign politics. Having solid team, good political communication strategy and wide support team do help Ramdhan Pomanto and Syamsu Rizal be able to outperform the nine other pairs of candidates with the most votes, namely 182.242 votes.Key words : Strategy, Communication, Local Election