In: International law reports, Volume 49, p. 336-349
ISSN: 2633-707X
States as international persons — State succession — Succession to obligations — Assumption of sovereignty over certain territories by the British authorities and the re-grant of land revenue to the rulers — Status of the descendants of those rulers — Whether ordinary subjects of India — Acquisition of territorial sovereignty — Mode of — The law of India
The period from 1937 to 1946, between the first and second elections to provincial legislatures held in British India under the 1935 Government of India Act, is one of great interest in Indo-Pakistani history. This was the period of 'if only,' the period in which it is still possible to imagine an unpartitioned South Asia.
Hultzsch, E. (ed.) (1896-97). Epigraphia Indica and Record of the Archaeological Survey of India. Vol. IV. 1896-97. Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, India. ; Please note, this scan of the text does not have Optical Character Recognition and is not text searchable. See Version 2 for copy with OCR.
In: Gardezi , Z , Borello , A & Sheikh , R 2020 , ' The Effectiveness of the Indus Waters Treaty 1960: A Case Study of the 1999 Baglihar Hydroelectric Project and 2007 Kishenganga Hydroelectric Plant ' , The Interdisciplinary Journal of International Studies , vol. 10 , no. 1 , pp. 53-69 . https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.ijis.v10i1.6347
Pakistan and India have historically been at odds with each other politically, and have fought four wars. Both countries share a water supply via the Indus River, which originates in the disputed territory of Indian-Administred Kashmir. As India is the upper-riparian state it therefore has the advantage to 'control' water supply downstream to Pakistan, the lower-riparian state, an Indus Waters Treaty was signed in 1960 which awarded each country three rivers stemming from the Indus River, each and regulated the flow of water between the two. However, Pakistan has claimed that the creation of hydropower projects in India on rivers which flow into Pakistan have compromised the supply of water to Pakistan, which then lowers the amount available primarily for agriculture, power generation and consumptive purposes. Two such issues were raised in the case of 1999 Baglihar Hydroelectric Project and 2007 Kishenganga Hydroelectric Plant, and for both, different mechanisms under the Indus Waters Treaty were used to resolve the disputes. This article considers the mechanisms of resolution provided under the Treaty, and comments on its effectiveness in doing so, and in the process, suggests reform to the Treaty itself. ; Pakistan and India have historically been at odds with each other politically, and have fought four wars. Both countries share a water supply via the Indus River, which originates in the disputed ter-ritory of Indian-Administred Kashmir. As India is the upper-riparian state it therefore has the advan-tage to 'control' water supply downstream to Pakistan, the lower-riparian state, an Indus Waters Treaty was signed in 1960 which awarded each country three rivers stemming from the Indus River, each and regulated the flow of water between the two. However, Pakistan has claimed that the crea-tion of hydropower projects in India on rivers which flow into Pakistan have compromised the supply of water to Pakistan, which then lowers the amount available primarily for agriculture, power gene-ration and consumptive purposes. Two such issues were raised in the case of 1999 Baglihar Hydro-electric Project and 2007 Kishenganga Hydroelectric Plant, and for both, different mechanisms under the Indus Waters Treaty were used to resolve the disputes. This article considers the mechanisms of resolution provided under the Treaty, and comments on its effectiveness in doing so, and in the process, suggests reform to the Treaty itself.
Democratic training is often lacking in India. Instead of democratic means people internalise the joint functioning of "class-race-state" power and the brutality and terror of it; those at the margins are reassured of their own marginality (e.g. Spivak 2008). Natya Chetana is an Orissan theatre group performing to both rural and urban audiences about the problem of ordinary people. Based on the belief that people are capable to assess their situation and think for themselves, Natya Chetana intends to create awareness by "disturbing the minds of the audiences"; giving food for thought, not any ready-made solutions or action models. Much of the group's work can be seen as efforts to cultivate critical citizenship. The paper, related to my on-going PhD work (ethnography) on Natya Chetana's theatre as social work, discusses Natya Chetana's work from the perspectives of citizenship and marginality from the angles suggested by Pandey (2006) and Spivak (2008).
Inflation in Bangladesh has increased from 1.9 percent in FY01 to 7.2 percent in FY06. The biggest increase was in food prices. Food price inflation increased from 1.4 percent in FY01 to 7.8 percent in FY06. By contrast, non-food price inflation only doubled during the same period. Food price inflation has been well above non-food inflation since FY04. The rise in food inflation could have resulted from developments in global commodity markets, particularly since FY05, increases in domestic production costs, and domestic demand. Inflation increased in most major world economies during FY06 following a surge in international commodity, energy and related fuel prices. The relationship between inflation and growth remains controversial both in theory and in empirics. The inflation-growth relationship for Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka none of these countries have had high inflation episodes in recent decades. Their analysis shows that growth rates and inflation rates for all four countries are co integrated, implying that there is a long run relationship between inflation and growth in all four countries.
Targeted redistribution in multicultural societies can pose "the dilemma of recognition:" the beneficiary groups have to be officially recognised, defined, and sometimes mobilised, which accentuates group distinctions and thus threatens to contribute to conflict, discrimination, and inequality instead of combating it. Many governments are well aware of this dilemma, and to resolve it they modify the category system used in redistributive policies. This paper analyses the options governments have -- accommodation, denial, and replacement -- and concentrates on the latter. Replacement means that a government constructs the targets of redistributive policies so as to avoid accentuation or recognition of inconvenient group distinctions, but still allow redistribution that benefits these groups. The question is, does it work? Replacement is increasingly in demand, in countries around the world, but its effects are little researched. This paper elaborates on two exemplary cases -- India and Nigeria -- which have experimented with replacement ever since the 1950s and provide ample opportunity to research its long-term effects. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ethnic, linguistic, & religious identities have emerged during the past decade as major challenges to the institutional capacity of the modern state to cope with cultural diversity. As such, multilingualism, which formulates a response to this challenge, has emerged as a new focus of empirical research on federalism. This provides a contrast to classic studies of federalism, which concentrated on the institutional division of powers between a state & its constituent units. Language plays a double role in this: as a thin bond for communication & negotiation between political actors, & a thick system of meanings, carrying the burden of history, religion, culture, ritual, & memory. The article studies this ambivalence of language through a comparison of India & Switzerland, two quite different cases of relatively successful accommodation of linguistic diversity & discusses the constitutional means & policy measures that might enable a modern state to balance regional diversity & national unity in the face of the multiethnic challenge. 3 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Horner , R 2015 , ' Responding to the rising power 'threat': pharmaceutical MNEs and the intellectual property 'institutional void' ' Critical Perspectives on International Business , vol 11 , no. 3/4 , pp. 285-300 . DOI:10.1108/cpoib-08-2014-0039
Purpose: This article explores how established MNEs have responded to the perceived threat from rising power firms by seeking to alter the intellectual property institutional environment in key emerging economies. Design/Methodology/approach: The key place of emerging economies in the efforts of established MNEs to seek patent law change is discussed. Two case studies review developments related to pharmaceutical patents in India and South Africa, highlighting the influence of MNEs in driving policy change and the contested nature of their actions. Findings: While India and South Africa both present evidence of MNEs seeking to influence pharmaceutical patent laws, distinct differences emerge. In India, most MNE pressure has been in response to the emergence of an active domestic industry and a patent law oriented towards generic entry, while the MNE priority in South Africa has been geared towards maintaining MNE dominance and a system which leads to generous granting of patents. Practical implications: Managers and decision-makers seeking to invest in emerging economies must take account of a plethora of institutions present, some of which may be better suited towards local industrial and societal interests and may prompt resistance to any established MNE-led attempt at institutional change. Originality/value: The article offers a comparative perspective on pharmaceutical patent laws in India and South Africa, which have been subject to significant contestation by policymakers, civil society organisations and both rising power and established MNEs. The comparison explores and questions the increasingly widespread "institutional void� thesis in international business.
The South Asian region is experiencing a shift in power dynamics. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has faced difficulties in reaching its potential, and India has played a great role in such difficulties. On the other hand, China's involvement in the region creates new challenges for the regional body. This article aims to discuss why the SAARC has such trouble developing – and what role India plays in these dynamics. The article also discusses China's engagement in the region and what future awaits the SAARC after the Taliban Takeover.