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The paper gives an overview of the sections of the professionalization of political didactics as an academic discipline in Germany. The first section describes the development of political education and political didactics in schools showing a process of increasing professionalization as a result of engagements with various political influences. In the next part, the beginnings of political didactics and Politics as a school subject are presented. The following part describes the professionalization phase of political didactics and teacher education, with the designation of chairs of political didactics in institutes of political science. The goals and normative ideas that individual political didactics specialists have developed for teaching politics are also discussed. For reasons of space, the previously mentioned parts and the subsequent synopses only partially cover the initial proposition. The fourth part traces the politicization and depoliticization of didactics and of the teaching of politics while the fifth part discusses practical problems that lead to a variety of new normative questions. The sixth part moves toward educational theory, in which the idea of radical constructivism is gaining ground and educationalists attempt to restructure Politics as a school subject with an emphasis on studying democracy by developing a democratic way of thinking. The seventh part is characterized by a new phenomenon, that is the start of theoretical development. The different theoretical considerations on the subject-specific competencies of teachers and pupils are discussed. In addition, the first systematically collected empirical findings on theoretically postulated dimensions of competency are presented.

Thanks to theoretical advances in the natural sciences and the decreased cost of computer technology, computational modeling is becoming an increasingly popular tool in the social sciences. Due to its relative novelty and somewhat marginal position in most disciplines, however, research of this kind has primarily focused on methodological challenges posed by applications to social phenomena. By contrast, the method's theoretical foundations are still relatively poorly understood and many theoretical possibilities remain unexplored by computational scholars. At the same time, social theorists, following in the footsteps of Georg Simmel's pioneering contributions a century ago, have developed a process-based research tradition that anticipates the scientific practices of today's computer-based research. In short, if the sociological process theorists have been computational modelers avant la lettre, the latter can be seen as process theorists "après la lettre".

Research on electoral events in conjunction with social media provides opportunities to describe an interesting phenomenon that can be analyzed using sentiment analysis techniques. The goal of the study is to analyze the support of political parties during electoral periods from Twitter comments, including 250 000 tweets regarding the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016, respectively. Text mining and natural language processing techniques enable information analysis, and the methodology emphasizes good practices for large-scale data collection retrieved from Twitter through a quantitative analysis of text collection written in the Spanish language. After information extraction obtained in three Spanish regions defined by geolocation, as well as feature selection based on keywords of the main four political parties, we conducted an in-depth examination of Twitter users' support during the course of the election. By weighting the tendency of tweets, we were able to obtain a proposed indicator of support: the positiveness ratio (PR). The results suggest that PR is a feasible barometer to demonstrate the measurable patterns of support tendency regarding political parties and users' behavioral activity to track their affinity on Twitter. The findings indicate consistent support behavior by users toward traditional parties and optimistic users' behavior regarding emerging political parties.

This study adopts a broad approach to problems associated with confusion in the literature on media orientations and political processes. Three different dependent variables representing cognition, attitude and behavior are examined in relation to multiple measures of media dependence: time spent, reliance, exposure to content, level of attention and gratifications sought. Results suggest complex relationships between media use and the dependent variables and again confirm an integrative role for television that is often hidden in analyses based on simple exposure time.

This article is the second in a series on the birth of a new elite in the United States, called 'the minority elite'. The previous article hypothesized that what is happening is not so much the replenishment or evolution of the old elite, but the emergence of a new one, grown on the basis of the Affirmative Action Program, the culture of 'woke capitalism' and decades of the minority protest. The process of elite change intensified on the wave of protest activity of black minority, primarily 'Black Lives Matter' movement, in the summer of 2020, which coincided with elections to all branches of government. The new elite need to create their own version of American history and their liberation mission. The ideological paradigm of the black movement includes several social doctrines: 'The 1619 Project', critical race theory, Black liberation, theories of white privilege, white supremacy and anti-racism. 'The 1619 Project' clearly demonstrates how the new elite understand the past, present and future of the United States and their place in the social structure. This article analyzes the theses of '1619', and also contains the main conclusions of the professional criticism of this project. The goal of the project, according to its authors, is to reframe American history. It places slavery and systematic racism at the very center of US history and thereby denies the foundations on which the 'American project' is based. '1619' is considered in the article as a socio-engineering project that includes various programs: curricula for colleges and schools, podcasts for radio, TV shows and films, interviews and speeches in universities, exhibitions, press publications, ideological themes for elections and trainings for organizations and social movements. The unprecedented speed of implementation and the scale of financing of the new version of American history in all spheres of society without its professional assessment indicate that this large-scale action was prepared in advance. The article deals with the fundamental factual errors in the presentation of history, analysis and interpretation of economic data in '1619', including those that were uncritically borrowed from the school 'New History of Capitalism'. It also addresses the doctrine of anti-racism. The analysis of the project showed a low level of evidence of the revision of history conceived in it. The author shows by the example of '1619' that scientific research is not combined with ideological tasks, since the latter inevitably lead to adjustment to the given answer, a decrease in the level of the applied scientific apparatus and simplification of the conclusions drawn. Criticism of the project was heard only in the academic sphere, but did not get into the media. One of the most serious consequences of the project is the creation of a new mythology, supplanting from the public consciousness a version of American history based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and proven historical facts. The black movement, albeit temporarily, managed to impose its own narrative on public opinion and create a rationale for moving into power and receiving new privileges.

IT WILL BE ARGUED IN WHAT FOLLOWS THAT FRENCH POLITICAL DISCOURSE WAS DOMINATED IN THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD BY TWO ESSENTIAL HISTORICAL 'DILEMMAS', WHICH NEVER FIGURED CENTRALLY IN ENGLISH HISTORY: A DIVIDED POLITY WHICH COULD NOT OVERCOME THE POLITICAL 'PARCELLIZATION' AND CORPORATE FRAGMENTATION OF ITS FEUDAL PAST; AND A STATE CONCEIVED AS A KIND OF PRIVATE PROPERTY, A RESOURCE FOR PRINCES AND OFFICE-HOLDERS, AN INSTRUMENT FOR EXTRACTING WHAT MIGHT BE CALLED A FORM OF RENT FROM DIRECT PRODUCERS, SPECIFICALLY PEASANTS, BY MEANS OF TAXATION. THE SET OF PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH THIS POLITICAL CONFIGURATION SHAPED THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF BOTH SUPPORTERS AND CRITICS OF ROYAL ABSOLUTISM AND PRODUCED A 'TRADITION OF DISCOURSE' THE CONTOURS OF WHICH ARE CLEARLY VISIBLE IN THE WORK OF ROUSSEAU.

The article provides a political analysis of the political participation of citizens, especially youth in the dynamic processes of democratization of society in modern Uzbekistan. The reasons and factors of the preservation of negative inertia in the conditions of liberalization and modernization of the political system of a renewing society, as well as the phenomenon of absenteeism, the non-identity of political activity and political participation, factors of activating the political participation of youth are highlighted.

In China, practice-oriented views of science can be traced back to antiquity. In ancient times, the Chinese people independently created and developed application-oriented sciences, but they ignored basic science. In modern times, China learned and introduced Western science and technology as a practical instrument to protect the nation and make it prosperous and powerful. Through technology and production, science has been playing an immediate and major role in the development of socialism since 1949. Since 1978, the Chinese government has always emphasized that science and technology are the primary productive forces. From ancient times to the present, the practice-oriented views of science are grounded in politics. Science has been the handmaiden of politics since the Qin Dynasty. However, this state of affairs hinders the development of basic science, a science that is not oriented toward immediate application. It also hinders open-minded, critical reflection on the downsides or limits of science, which could draw on broader (moral, spiritual, or religious) values.

The book has been designed to offer a unique, updated and comprehensive study of Communist parties in the Middle East, based on a theoretical framework of analysis, substantial empirical research and archive documentation.