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The widespread incursion of the Internet into the daily lives of consumers, together with the COVID-19 pandemic, has contributed to a significant increase in the consumption of online content in the last few years. Opportunities for listening to music, reading e-books or watching favorite movies and series through the global network, the entertainment through online games and streaming leisure sports events are increasingly preferred in an epidemic situation and social distancing. In this regard, the problem of illegal downloading of digital content comes to the fore. The aim of this paper is to present the specifics and harms of the use of pirated online content, and based on a brief overview of this consumption within the European Union, the ways to limit it are outlined. The analysis uses data published in studies by the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO) for the period 2017 - 2020.

A feature of the European Union's self–definition is its adherence to and promotion of particular norms and values. These are integral to academic literature that has examined the EU as a 'normative power' in global affairs. Much of the relevant scholarship, along with EU statements and documentation, underestimates or overlooks that what the EU does not do, or does not succeed in, may be as significant as what it does do and does succeed in. A policy area where evidence to support that the EU's motivations and influence are not primarily normative continues to accumulate is that of energy security. Energy represents a more serious test of the EU's capacity and commitment as a normative power than asymmetric relationships in which it is by far the stronger party or when the issue does not threaten its vital interests. Energy needs expose the limited character of the EU's exertion of normative power (capacity) and its political will to do so (commitment).

EXACTLY FIVE YEARS AGO THIS JOURNAL PUBLISHED A SPECIAL ISSUE devoted to 'The Politics of European Integration'. British-European relations were then at one of their lowest ebbs and our endeavour might have seemed singularly untimely. Yet the issue has been exhausted, and the demand for it continues. But, when faced with the decision to reprint, we thought that the subject matter had evolved so much that we preferred to prepare a new collection of studies. Hence this issue on the new politics of European integration.But there is continuity between the two numbers of the journal. Our subscribers will not fail to notice that many of the articles which appeared in 1966 on basic historical and political aspects of European integration have not been superseded. Indeed the historical articles from the previous issue, together with the political articles of the present issue, supplemented by two historical surveys of British, and British Labour attitudes to the EEC, by Stephen Holt and Michael Wheaton respectively, are to be published in book form in the near future by Messrs Macmillan.

Turkey's relationship with the EU is long-standing and this relationship appears to never lead to the membership of Tıırkey to the EU. An important aspects of the EU is cconomic and it has been progressing towards a unique political structure, which cannot be captured completely by any organisational model of international economics, becoming a self-sufficient entity. In light of this, this article aims to seek evidence that Turkey's economy is dependent on the trade with the EU to a great extent, and not necessarily vice versa. The article draws on evidence from the detailed examination of trade relations between Turkey and the EU over a Iong period from both parties' perspectives. it is evident that the EU has been the largest and most important trading partner of Turkcy over the years. As such, it is suggested that Turkey cannot afford to be outside the enlargement process of the EU. Given that the long-standing relationship with Turkey, the EU also has shown willingness to improve its economic relations with Turkey as a useful trading partner.

"The European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) is the world's largest market for carbon and the most significant multinational initiative ever taken to mobilize markets to protect the environment. It will be an important influence on the development and implementation of trading schemes in the US, Japan, and elsewhere. However, as is true of any pioneering public policy experiment, this scheme has generated much controversy. Pricing Carbon provides the first detailed description and analysis of the EU ETS, focusing on the first 'trial' period of the scheme (2005-7). Written by an international team of experts, it allows readers to get behind the headlines and come to a better understanding of what was done and what happened based on a dispassionate, empirically based review of the evidence. This book should be read by anyone who wants to know what happens when emissions are capped, traded, and priced"--Provided by publisher

In this paper, the introduction of direct-democratic decision-making in all EU decisions is considered when it is feasible without prohibitively increasing decision-making costs. We start with the contractarian argument that each constitution is a contract joining the citizens of a state and requires as such the explicit agreement of (a majority of) citizens. Thus, the future European Constitution as well as future changes of it should be decided by the European citizens. After a discussion of the pros and cons of direct democracy, the ability of direct democracy to help creating a European demos is discussed. Consequently, we propose a mandatory (required and binding) referendum on total and partial revisions of the European Constitution. In addition, we propose a constitutional initiative, a statutory and a general initiative as well as a fiscal referendum for financially important projects.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of European Union Member States and Year of Entry -- Preface -- List of Abbreviations -- 1 Nursing in the European -- Introduction -- Definition of Nursing -- Globalization and Europeanization -- Institutionalism -- 2 Education -- Introduction -- EU Directives, the Bologna Process, and Nursing Education -- The Case of the Newly Acceded Member States -- Numbers: Student Quotas, Attrition, and Graduates -- Nursing-Education Sites -- Entry Requirements -- Who Studies Nursing and Why? -- Student Support -- The Preregistration Program -- Graduate Studies -- Specialization -- Continuing Professional Development -- Foreign Study -- Nurse Educators -- Teaching Methods -- Regulation of Nursing Education -- Conclusion -- 3 Aspects of Professional Regulation -- Professional Recognition -- Nursing Demographics -- Gender -- Age -- Education -- Numbers -- Migration -- Ethical Practice -- Fitness to Practice -- Conclusion -- 4 Nursing Research -- Research Development -- Research Literacy -- Research Strategies and Priorities -- Funding -- Research Initiatives -- Research Dissemination -- Evidence-based Practice: The Integration of Research and Service -- Nursing Research Challenges -- Conclusion -- 5 Representatives of Nursing and Their Activities -- Chief Nursing Officers -- The Professional Nursing Association -- Functions -- Membership -- Dues -- Membership Benefits -- Organizational Structure -- Interest Group Systems -- Nursing Associations: The International Dimension -- Pressure Group Politics and the Institutions of European Government -- Groups and European Union Structures -- Summary and Conclusion -- 6 Conclusion -- References -- Index.

Maintaining an awareness of the developments within spiritual care and chaplaincy in Scotland, the UK and in Europe is a challenge. In previous issues we have endeavoured to keep readers informed and have featured articles on registration of chaplains, standards and competencies for spiritual and religious care, agenda for change, and other key topics. With the permission of the European Network of Healthcare Chaplaincy and Fr. Stavros Kofinas (consulting editor) we are pleased to bring you details of recent developments with the European Union.