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Bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen und der zeitgleichen Teilerneuerung des Kongresses haben Amtsinhaberin Cristina Fernández de Kirchner und ihre peronistische Fraktion "Front für den Sieg" (Frente para la Victoria) am 23. Oktober 2011 in Argentinien einen historischen Sieg errungen, der einem Erdrutsch gleichkommt. Mit Präsidentin Fernández hat es nach Juan Domingo Perón und Carlos Menem zum dritten Mal ein argentinisches Staatsoberhaupt geschafft, für zwei aufeinander folgende Amtszeiten gewählt zu werden. In historischer Perspektive kommt dieser erneute Sieg des Peronismus keineswegs überraschend, sondern bestätigt vielmehr einen erkennbaren Trend. Erwartungsgemäß gewann Cristina Fernández das Rennen um die Präsidentschaft, obwohl der Stimmenanteil von fast 54 Prozent unerwartet hoch ausfiel. Zugleich eroberte ihre Fraktion die Mehrheit in beiden Parlamentskammern sowie in 20 der 24 Gliedstaaten. Von ihren sechs Konkurrenten erzielte keiner über 20 Prozent. Bereits aus den erstmals abgehaltenen allgemeinen Vorwahlen am 14. August 2011 war die seit Dezember 2007 amtierende Präsidentin mit der Hälfte der abgegebenen Stimmen als eindeutige Siegerin hervorgegangen. Damit waren die Weichen für die eigentlichen Präsidentschaftswahlen bereits entscheidend gestellt. Entsprechend spannungsarm verlief der Wahlkampf. Verantwortlich für den Sieg von Fernández sind neben der guten wirtschaftlichen Konjunktur und einer aktiven Sozial- und Menschenrechtspolitik insbesondere die hohe Popularität der Präsidentin, eine zutiefst gespaltene Opposition und ein Wahlrecht,
das den Amtsinhaber und die etablierten Parteien favorisiert. Angesichts erster Anzeichen einer wirtschaftlichen Eintrübung, verschlechterter externer Rahmenbedingungen, struktureller Schwächen des argentinischen Entwicklungsweges und der desaströsen Situation der Opposition ist es jedoch eine offene Frage, ob - einem alten Sprichwort folgend - "das Brot von heute nicht der Hunger von morgen ist".

Dystopian images of children's remains buried in the cellars of Haut de la Garenne children's home in the Channel Island of Jersey brought the subject of historical abuse in residential child care graphically to public consciousness over the course of 2008. Subsequent revelations around the provenance of police spin in that case prompt examination of the ways in which knowledge of institutional abuse has been constructed more generally. Drawing on insights from qualitative inquiry, this article seeks to destabilize the subject and to question the epistemological basis for the truth claims made in respect of it. Specifically, it focuses a critical gaze on the Scottish Government's Systemic Review of Historical Abuse (Shaw, 2007) to highlight how documentary sources construct and reify a particular version of the past and how 'victim' narratives are privileged and used to silence other accounts of life in residential child care. Some implications of this for social work research and for those who claim and those accused of historical abuse are identified.

This article studies the continued existence of subnational undemocratic regimes in Argentina and Mexico, two countries that have recently experienced national democratization. The first part of the article offers a conceptualization of subnational democracy and measures its territorial extension across all subnational units. The second part explores a common, albeit not systematically tested explanation about subnational undemocratic regime continuity, namely, that these regimes persist because they meet national incumbents' strategic political needs. This claim is tested using statistical analyses to contrast patterns of spending across undemocratic subnational units during the presidencies of Menem (1989-1999), De la Rúa (2000-2001), Duhalde (2002), and Kirchner (2003-2007) in Argentina, and Fox (2000-2006) in Mexico. Contradicting conventional wisdom, the results show that presidents only reproduce a handful of subnational undemocratic regimes, as not all of them can meet presidential needs. In addition, the results reveal that the strategic calculation of presidents regarding this reproduction is dictated by factors that have been largely overlooked by the literature. (GIGA)

Senegalese agriculture is unusually specialized in just three products: groundnuts, rice, and millet. Groundnuts have remained Senegal's premier export crop, rice remains the principle importable food, and millet is the principal food crop (Masters 2007). Senegal has been considered one of the most highly controlled markets in West Africa (Masters 2007). Historically, the Senegalese government has maintained a monopoly both on the purchase of groundnuts and on processing them into oil. At the beginning of the season, the government would set one producer price for groundnuts throughout the country. Accepting this pan-territorial price, farmers were required to sell their groundnuts to official agencies. Since the cost of transporting the groundnuts from the collection points near the villages to the mill was borne by the government or its parastatal groundnut agency (la Société Nationale de Commercialisation des Oléagineux du Sénégal [SONACOS]), every farmer received the same price, regardless of how far the farm was from the groundnut mill (Gray 2002). ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; GRP32 ; DSGD; WCAO

This article studies the continued existence of subnational undemocratic regimes in Argentina and Mexico, two countries that have recently experienced national democratization. The first part of the article offers a conceptualization of subnational democracy and measures its territorial extension across all subnational units. The second part explores a common, albeit not systematically tested explanation about subnational undemocratic regime continuity, namely, that these regimes persist because they meet national incumbents' strategic political needs. This claim is tested using statistical analyses to contrast patterns of spending across undemocratic subnational units during the presidencies of Menem (1989-1999), De la Rua (2000-2001), Duhalde (2002), and Kirchner (2003-2007) in Argentina, and Fox (2000-2006) in Mexico. Contradicting conventional wisdom, the results show that presidents only reproduce a handful of subnational undemocratic regimes, as not all of them can meet presidential needs. In addition, the results reveal that the strategic calculation of presidents regarding this reproduction is dictated by factors that have been largely overlooked by the literature. Adapted from the source document.

"Seit Jahren behaupten Frankreich-Beobachter, das Land komme bis heute mit dem Ende der bipolaren Weltordnung nicht zurecht und tue sich nach wie vor schwer mit den Kräfteverhältnissen der neuen Zeit: Auf seinen schwindenden Einfluss auf europäischer wie auf internationaler Ebene reagiere Frankreich in erster Linie mit einer verängstigten Haltung, statt zu versuchen, seine Rolle neu zu definieren. Die 'Rückkehr Frankreichs nach Europa', die Nicolas Sarkozy 2007 am Abend seiner Wahl zum Präsidenten angekündigt hatte, sollte dies ändern und dem Land ermöglichen, sich in der Union erneut zu einer zentralen Gestaltungsmacht zu entwickeln. Auch die Feierlichkeiten zum 20. Jahrestag des Mauerfalls auf der Place de la Concorde sollten signalisieren, dass sich Frankreich mit der neuen Weltordnung - unter anderem mit der Erweiterung der EU - abgefunden hat. Gleichzeitig sollte dieses 'Geschenk an Deutschland', wie Europa-Staatssekretär Pierre Lellouche die Feier nannte, ein Startsignal für eine neue Etappe der europäischen Integration geben. Inwiefern sich dieser neue Ton in der Europa-Politik Frankreichs widerspiegelt, ist das Thema dieser Analyse. Sicher waren die europapolitischen Anfänge der neuen Regierung mehr als ernüchternd. Durch seine wiederholte Kritik an der Europäischen Zentralbank, seinen Alleingang in der Frage einer Wirtschaftsregierung und das nicht abgestimmte Projekt einer Mittelmeer-Union konnte sich Sarkozy nicht als großer Europäer präsentieren. Gleichzeitig jedoch prägte ein starker Aktionismus die französische EU-Ratspräsidentschaft in der zweiten Hälfte des Jahres 2008. Ebenso unterstreicht das jüngste Bemühen Frankreichs um eine neue deutsch-französische Agenda den Willen der Regierung Sarkozy, eine europäische Dynamik in Gang zu setzen. Kann also von einem Bruch die Rede sein oder herrscht eher Kontinuität in der französischen Europa-Politik?" (Textauszug)

Lo scritto ha ad oggetto l'analisi critica dell'evoluzione della normativa in materia di tutela penale della salute e della sicurezza del lavoro. A seguito della riforma intervenuta con il d. lgs. 81/2008, sono state sinteticamente percorse le diverse tappe che hanno condotto a passare da una tutela della sicurezza e della salute sui luoghi di lavoro basata sulla filosofia dell'eliminazione del pericolo ad un sistema basato sulla minimizzazione del rischio, strutturalmente legato allo svolgimento dell'attività lavorativa. La riflessione ha condotto a rilevare come lo strumentario penalistico tradizionale, dal nesso causale alla colpevolezza, risulti inadeguato ad affrontare le questioni legate all'accertamento della responsabilità nel rispetto dei principi generali del sistema penale. Per questa ragione, si é ritenuto di potere, valorizzando elementi contenuti nella stessa recente normativa in materia di sicurezza, proporre de iure condendo un modello di reato contravvenzionale alternativo, in quanto basato sull'inottemperanza alle precauzioni imposte dagli organi istituzionalmente preposti alla valutazione "a monte" dei rischi medesimi.

7 páginas, 11 figuras.-- PACS number(s): 61.30.-v, 61.05.cf, 64.70.mj ; Three bent-core liquid-crystal compounds presenting the unusual columnar B1 to tilted polar smectic (Sm-CP or B2) phase transition are studied through small-angle x-ray diffraction on aligned samples. The well-established character of the smectic phase helps to characterize the structural changes during the transition. A mechanism for this transition is proposed, which accounts for the low enthalpy usually observed in this process. The B1 phase is found to possess a great degree of lamellarization, with pseudosmectic ferroelectric layers along the crystallographic (11) planes. As a consequence of these observations a distribution of the block polarizations in the columnar structure is proposed. ; This research was supported by CICYT-FEDER of Spain-UE Contracts No. MAT2008-06522-CO2 and No. MAT2009-14636-CO3, the Aragón Government (E04), and the Basque Country Government (Project No. GIC10/45). N.G. acknowledges the Spanish Government for support via the Juan de la Cierva program. ; Peer reviewed

Within these pages I engaged in critical autoethnographic storytelling, referred to as cuentos, to highlight the reflexive processes impacting my identity negotiation while in graduate school (an "Appendix" further explicating this critical autoethnographic approach is also provided). As will be seen, the reflexivity necessary to explore the impact my past had on my interactions while a graduate student stemmed from understanding borderland theorizing (Anzaldúa, 1987). Through cuentos about my Mago, Margaret Ruth, Margo, and Margarita Refugia identity constructions, I painfully expose lived experiences representing surreal, emotional, often devastating, unshakable, and unbelievable lived realities. In contrast to the cuentos sections of this article, the scaling the walls of the Ivory Tower sections are presented in a less emotional, more intellectual state of mind reflecting borderland theorizing about (post)colonial wounds and assimilationist socialization processes that eventually lead to my emerging conciencia de la Mestizo—processes that bring to light academic and socialization challenges I faced while attending graduate school as a racial/ethnic minority woman and single mother of lower socioeconomic background.

'Observational cinema' has long been central to debates in visual anthropology. Although initially hailed as a radical breakthrough in ethnographic filmmaking, the genre was subsequently criticized as naïvely empiricist and lacking in reflexive sophistication. In this article, we make a new case for observational cinema. It grows out of a renewed attention to practice. We argue that observational work be understood not as preliminary to anthropological proper but as a distinctive form of anthropology in its own right.RésuméLe « cinéma d'observation » est depuis longtemps un sujet de controverse dans l'anthropologie visuelle. Saluéà ses débuts comme une révolution dans l'acquisition d'images ethnographiques, le genre a été critiqué par la suite comme entaché d'un empirisme naïf et dépourvu d'élaboration réflexive. Les auteures plaident ici pour le cinéma d'observation, à partir d'une attention renouvelée pour cette pratique. Elles demandent que le travail d'observation soit considéré non pas comme un préliminaire au travail anthropologique proprement dit, mais comme une forme distincte d'anthropologie à part entière.

The article provides a language analysis of the idea of progress. It briefly outlines the method of search for minimal vocabulary as has been proposed by Bertrand Russell in Human Knowledge, Its Scope and Limits. Then it considers the application of this method to a social theory, namely to the language used in a theory of progress. As an example theory it uses the well known essay L'anciene regime et la revolution (1856) by Alexis de Tocqueville. The language of the theory is analyzed, abstracted expressions are pointed out and the minimal vocabulary is presented: it consists of verb-expressions "to see", "to be wrong", "to doubt", "to think", "to feel", "to be surprised", "to choose", "to express" and "to rely"; of noun-expressions "demise", "cause", "change", "nature" and "banality" together with pronouns and logical expressions. The rules for construction of composed expressions and propositions are set up and a reconstruction of the object language is suggested. The abstract character of the method is reflected.

Using a cross-sectional time-series event-count model, this study analyzes the effects of local, national, and international variables on pro-Zapatista protests across the 111 localities (municipios) of Chiapas over a ten-year period (1994-2003). Protests were more likely to occur in localities with previous protest activity, a closed political system, and a larger presence of the military. Local and national electoral openings, as well as a larger local and national presence of the Zapatistas' presumed political ally, the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), had a negative relationship with protest activity. Specific openings to the Zapatistas also worked as protest depressants. International attention did not show any significant effect on Zapatista protest activity. However, these institutional and specific openings were only ephemeral opportunities in that they did not translate into substantive concessions for the movement. They appear to have decreased the strength of the Zapatista protest cycle, while the international attention to the movement did not show any significant effect on it.

4 páginas, 1 tabla. ; The abundance of the bath sponge Spongia agaricinahas decreased drastically in recent years and it is now considered an endangered species under Annex 3 of Bern and Barcelona conventions. We describe eight microsatellite markers and present data on their allelic variation and utility as high resolution genetic markers. We analyzed 36 individuals from two populations and found that the number of alleles per locus ranged between 1 and 7. Observed heterozygosity ranged from 0 to 0.72. We found deviations from Hardy–Weinberg expectations for some loci. We exclusively detected null alleles for those loci that deviated from Hardy–Weinberg expectations. Also, distributions of allele frequencies differed significantly between the two populations, making them suitable for population genetic analyses. ; Research funded by grants from the Agencia Nationale de la Recherche (ECIMAR), Spanish Ministry of Environment (119/2003), Spanish Ministry of Education and Science (CMT2007-66635) and the BIOCAPITAL project (MRTN-CT-2004- 512301) of the European Union. ; Peer reviewed

Trabajo presentado a la International Conference on Engineering Education & Research celebrada del 23 al 28 Agosto de 2009 en Seul (Corea del Sur). ; Quality assurance and accreditation in higher education are a priority aim in the convergence process to the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). Although the majority of European universities are working around these issues, there exist diverse tensions between the national legislation, accreditation and quality assurance, both in internal and external contexts. Spanish Higher Education Institutions must ensure the fulfillment of the goals related to their different degree programs, in a context of continuous improvement. This paper presents the evolution, some examples and the more recent trends related to quality assurance and accreditation in Spain. It comments some instruments that have been developed by the National Agency for Quality Assessment and Accreditation of Spain (ANECA), like the guidelines developed in the AUDIT program whose purpose is to provide guidance in designing internal quality assurance systems. ; Peer reviewed