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The author explores the role of Western policy, particularly that of the United States, in Southern African politics, from the Reagan era in the White House to the release of Nelson Mandela. He gives a background account of the re-orientation of US policy towards Southern Africa in the wake of the Portuguese coup of 1974. In particular, the book explores and analyses Reagan's policy of "constructive engagement" and "linkage" and argues that the policy, far from being constructive, was a distractive gambit designed to secure a Namibian settlement conducive to Western interests in the region and to delay self-determination in South Africa. The book also examines internal, regional and international factors which led to Namibian independence and to the "reform" of apartheid in South Africa

The International Criminal Court was the result of decades of postwar pressure to establish a permanent tribunal with jurisdiction over the most heinous crimes against humanity. Despite the noble goals of its architects, the ICC has not been effective in prosecuting such crimes. The author argues that the reasons for the Court's ineffectiveness were apparent from its inception due to the flawed view of the human person and society that is at the foundation of the Court. Using the insights of Catholic Social Doctrine, this article dissects the erroneous social anthropology, which is the basis for the Court's design, and suggests possible correctives based on a correct understanding of the human person and human society.

We live in a digital world. This fact has significant consequences for warfare. Two technologies in particular, cyber and drones, feature in military and intelligence operations and in scholarship. In addition, a new vein of scholarship is examining how advances in artificial intelligence have the potential to shape the future of warfare. While scholars disagree about the consequences of these technologies for international politics, they tend to agree that their consequences are mediated by the ability of military organizations, whether state or nonstate actors, to use them effectively in relevant military scenarios and in the pursuit of political ends. Studying newer military technologies, with less empirical evidence than is available for technologies that have been around for decades, also generates methodological challenges for research.

The design of prudential bank capital requirements interacts with the industrial organization of the banking sector, in particular, with the level of competition among banks. Increased competition leads to excessive risk‐taking by banks which may have to be counteracted by tighter capital requirements. When capital requirements are internationally uniform but the levels of competition among banks in different countries are not, international spillovers arise on financial integration of these countries. This result begs a more careful analysis of the effect of financial liberalization on the stability of banking sectors in emerging countries. It also calls into question the merits of employing uniform capital requirements across countries that diverge in the industrial organization of their banking sectors.(J.E.L.: G21, G28, G38, F36, E58, D62)

ABSTRACTIn defining optimum population, economists have used two distinct concepts of the social welfare function: the Millian and the Benthamite. Although analytically the issue of the welfare impact of international migration is closely related to the concept of optimum population, the migration analysis has been based almost exclusively on the Benthamite welfare function. As its point of departure, the present note explores the implications of the alternative Millian welfare function for migration analysis.An interesting aspect of the results derived from the present exercise is that they are in sharp contradiction with the results based on the Benthamite social welfare function. This highlights the sensitivity of the results to the welfare criteria used and the need for greater caution in policy formulation.

An anniversary issue provides an inescapably inviting opportunity to reflect on the past, evaluate the present, and contemplate the future. Eschewing the self-congratulatory rhetoric of traditional anniversary celebrations, we have devoted this 20th anniversary issue of RIPE to contributions that critically examine the academic discipline of international political economy, focusing on our collective challenges and limitations as much as on our achievements. As every author knows, it is the thoughtful, constructive, and above all critical review that ultimately pushes us to produce better scholarly work. The global financial crisis mandates such a reassessment, as did the fall of communism that birthed this journal. [First paragraph]

An anniversary issue provides an inescapably inviting opportunity to reflect on the past, evaluate the present, and contemplate the future. Eschewing the self-congratulatory rhetoric of traditional anniversary celebrations, we have devoted this 20th anniversary issue of RIPE to contributions that critically examine the academic discipline of international political economy, focusing on our collective challenges and limitations as much as on our achievements. As every author knows, it is the thoughtful, constructive, and above all critical review that ultimately pushes us to produce better scholarly work. The global financial crisis mandates such a reassessment, as did the fall of communism that birthed this journal. [First paragraph]

Since the removal of Saddam Hussein from power, Iraq has seen an explosion of violence and intimidation against women. However, as al-Jawaheri demonstrates in this original and important book, this development should not have taken people by surprise. The deterioriation of gender relations was in fact an overlooked by-product of a decade of international sanctions.Interviewing women of all different ages and backgrounds, al-Jawaheri examines the impact of the UN economic sanctions on family relations, gender violence, domestic responsibilities and employment practices. She shows that by restri

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Includes legislation. ; At head of title: 94th Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 76 H462-47 ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Der Mittelmeerraum steht wieder ganz oben auf der Agenda der internationalen Gemeinschaft – als Mare Nostrum unserer Zeit mit einer Vielzahl von Herausforderungen im Bereich der maritimen Sicherheit und verschiedenen Möglichkeiten einer Seemacht. Dieses Buch bietet neue Perspektiven auf die Geopolitik des östlichen Mittelmeers und seine Geoökonomie. Es erörtert die Rolle regionaler Akteure - wie Israel, Ägypten und Iran - und geht auf die Herausforderungen für die US Navy und das US Marine Corps ein. Der Band ist von besonderer Relevanz für Politiker, Strategen, Geheimdienstler, Akademiker, militärische Denker und für alle mit einem tieferen Interesse am östlichen Mittelmeer.Dr. Sebastian Bruns ist Leiter des Center for Maritime Strategy & Security (CMSS) am Institut für Sicherheitspolitik der Universität Kiel (ISPK).Jeremy Stöhs ist Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsanalyst am Institut für Sicherheitspolitik und dem dazugehörigen Center for Maritime Strategy and Security.

Forschungs- und wissensintensive Branchen (z.B. Pharmabranche, Medizintechnik, Fahrzeugbau, EDV-Dienstleistungen) verfügen durch ihre hohen Aufwendungen für Forschung und Entwicklung (FuE) und die in diesen Branchen verwendeten neuen Technologien (z.B. Bio-, Nano-, Informationstechnologien) über große Potenziale zur Entwicklung neuer oder verbesserter Prozesse, Produkte und Dienstleistungen. Hierdurch können sie über Innovationen neue Märkte erschließen und andere Branchen wettbewerbsfähig umgestalten. Innovationen sind meist der Schlüssel zur Stärkung der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit forschungs- und wissensintensiver Branchen. Diese entstehen in Innovationssystemen, in denen diverse Akteure in einem interaktiven, interdisziplinären und kollektiven Prozess mit vielen Rückkoppelungseffekten beteiligt sind. Hierzu müssen nicht nur alle Teilsysteme (u.a. Wissenschaft/Ausbildung, industrielle Akteure, Nachfrage) innerhalb eines Innovationssystems leistungsstark sein, sondern sie müssen auch untereinander gut vernetzt sein. Dies impliziert, dass zur Stärkung der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit kontinuierliche Verbesserungen angebots- und nachfrageseitiger Standortfaktoren sowie deren Vernetzung entlang der gesamten Wertschöpfungskette erforderlich sind. Gegenstand und Ziel der Untersuchung Ziel dieses TAB-Innovationsreports war es, ausgehend von einer systemischen Perspektive Handlungsoptionen zur Stärkung der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit forschungs- und wissensintensiver Branchen zu entwickeln, mit denen bestehende Potenziale am Standort Deutschland erhalten und ausgebaut sowie Innovationshemmnisse abgebaut werden können. Folgende Fragen standen im Fokus der Untersuchungen: Welche wirtschaftspolitische Bedeutung haben forschungs- und wissensintensive Branchen in Deutschland? Welche angebots- und nachfrageseitigen Faktoren sind entscheidend zur Erzielung von Wettbewerbsvorteilen in diesen Branchen? Wie attraktiv ist der Standort Deutschland für forschungs- und wissensintensive Branchen ...

Argues that two major ideational changes took place that have decreased the possibility of major interstate war by delegitimizing policies of territorial conquest & rendered their consequences more dire. The global expansion of international law on state sovereignty & the dissemination of economic liberalism have raised the stakes of territorial conquest. As a result, imperialism & territorial enlargement, considered reasonable policy choices until the mid-twentieth century, now are viewed as anathema by most states, even ones with the material capacity to implement such policies. These two beliefs -- in sovereignty as an international norm & in economic liberalism -- have not only lessened the likelihood of major interstate war but are likely to continue doing so in the foreseeable future. K. Coddon

The purpose of this article is to assess whether the arguments advanced by a number of countries of the European Union at the time of the conclusion of the Limitation Convention in 1974 and at the time of the amendment in 1980 for not becoming a party to this important instrument of unification are still convincing today. For this purpose it is essential to have a nodding acquaintance with the Convention. I shall also deal with private international law aspects of the limitation of actions in the international sale of goods.