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Cold matters on a number of different levels. It has become a political instrument that helps to establish common ground for the cold regions of the globe. As a metaphor, it suggests an impassioned and controlled outlook on life. Physically, cold produces environments where people can freeze and starve to death. Psychologically, it may serve as the route to self-discovery, since it has the capacity to strip away everything except the most essential aspects of the self. Historically, cold has usually been surrounded by negative associations but more recently, it has become a theme to explore in words and pictures and exploit in marketing strategies. At the beginning of the twenty-first century there are signs that indicate that cold is becoming increasingly "cool." At such a juncture, it is vital to assess the cultural meaning of snow, ice and cold since conventional ideological and metaphorical connotations of the concepts are destabilised. Cold Matters launches the monograph series linked to The Journal of Northern Studies. This interdisciplinary journal concentrates on life in the northern parts of the globe, and is published by Umeå University and Sweden's northernmost Royal Academy, the Royal Skyttean Society.

No studies currently exist on consuls and consulates (often dismissed as lowly figures in the diplomatic process) in the Cold War. Research into the work of these overlooked 'poor relations' offers the chance of new perspectives in the field of Cold War studies, exploring their role in representing their country's interests in far flung and unexpected places and their support for particular communities of fellow nationals and itinerant travellers in difficulties. These unnoticed actors on the international stage played far more complicated roles than one generally imagines..Contributors are: Tina Tamman, David Schriffl, Ariane Knuesel , Lori Maguire, Laurent Cesari, Sue Onslow, Pedro Aires Oliveira, David Lee, and Marek Handerek

'Gemeinhin wird der 11. September als Stichtag und Begründung für zunehmenden Unilateralismus der USA genannt: ein Staat, der sich gegen weitere terroristische Angriffe schützen muss, kann sich nicht durch 'Zauderer' binden lassen, sondern muss sich seinen 'Handlungsspielraum' bewahren. Abkommen und Verträge zur Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle werden als Hindernis wahrgenommen, wenn es darum geht, sich gegen seine Feinde zu wappnen. Die Autoren stellen dagegen eine Abkehr vom Multilateralismus schon viel früher fest. Nach dem Ende des Kalten Kriegs war zu erwarten, dass der Wegfall der großen, totalitären Gefahr, die von der Sowjetunion ausging, die Strategie der Abschreckung überflüssig macht. Zumal in demokratischen Gesellschaften Nuklearwaffen als Mittel der Massenvernichtung auf breite Ablehnung stoßen müssten. Die tatsächliche Entwicklung der Nuklearpolitik wird durch die Amtszeiten der beiden Präsidenten namens Bush und Präsident Clintons nachgezeichnet und es zeigt sich, dass das Arsenal größer, einsatzbereiter und aufwuchsfähiger ist als je zuvor. Hierfür gibt es zwei Ursachen: zum einen verharrt die Politik in den im Ost-West-Konflikt entwickelten Denkkonzepten, zum anderen ist die begrenzte und abnehmende öffentliche Debatte im Untersuchungszeitraum auffallend. Eine kritische Öffentlichkeit ist jedoch unbedingt notwendig, um der Eigendynamik des nuklearen Sektors Schranken zu setzen.' (Autorenreferat)

Coincident with the outbreak of the "cold war" the Soviet Union began a series of propagandistic attacks on the United States, its leaders and its policies, using every medium of communication for this purpose, but with special emphasis on radio propaganda. For some time the United States Government suffered these attacks to go unanswered, but in February, 1947, the "Voice of America" began to include among its other foreign programs regular broadcasts in Russian to the Soviet Union. At first these programs were confined almost entirely to music and straight news reports, but gradually more and more time was devoted to answering Soviet attacks considered hostile to the United States or harmful to its national interests.In retaliation Moscow, on April 24, 1949, embarked on a vast effort to jam the American programs, and is at present devoting over 1000 broadcasting stations to this single purpose. The American Government protested through diplomatic channels and to the International Telecommunications Union against this jamming campaign. Furthermore, jamming was condemned by the United Nations Sub-Commission on Freedom of Information and of the Press at its Montevideo meeting in May, 1950, as a violation of accepted principles of freedom of information. Also, the Economic and Social Council, at its eleventh session, held in Geneva during the summer of 1950, adopted a resolution recommending to the General Assembly that it call on all Members to refrain from jamming.

Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.

"Featuring first hand accounts by international politicians and diplomats along with analyses by leading scholars, this unique collection of essays provides insights from multiple perspectives to foster better understanding of international relations during and after the Cold War. Experts from both sides of the "iron curtain" shed light on the origins, struggles, ending, and legacy of the conflict that dominated the second half of the twentieth century and that still affects current East-West relations, the securing and dismantling of weapons of mass destruction, and the instability of many regions. With a particular focus on diplomatic relations, the book looks at the origins of the conflict from Yalta to Korea, the prelude to Detente from Cuba to Vietnam, followed by the move from Detente to dialogue. It then addresses such issues as strategic weapons, the impact of the war on scientific research, intelligence, and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Lastly, it examines the legacy of the Cold War across regions of the world, including Europe, Japan, India, China, and the lessons to be drawn for today's diplomatic relations and intelligence. With contributions from Howard Baker, Jr., Sir Anthony Brenton, Susan Eisenhower, Grigoryi Karasin, Alexander Likhotal, Kishan Rana, Ying Rong, and more, the volume presents a true international treatment of a subject of global dimensions and importance. Students of politics and international relations will find it invaluable as will Foreign Service practitioners, and instructors teaching the Cold War and foreign affairs"--