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AbstractThis article shows that key to understanding the referendum outcome are factors such as a profoundly eurosceptic public, high levels of citizen uncertainty, divided mainstream political parties on the EU and lack of unity within the 'Leave' campaign. The Brexit referendum is more than just about domestic issues and government approval. Utilitarian concerns related to economic evaluations of EU integration coupled with support of or opposition to EU freedom of movement are very likely to influence vote choice. Those campaigns that focus on rational utilitarian arguments about the costs and benefits related to EU membership as a whole but also to EU freedom of movement are expected to swing voters.

AbstractThis paper examines and classifies "uncivil society" in Europe, that is, a set of associational activities characterized by discursively exclusionist, undemocratic or violent features. With particular reference to organizations connected to the political right, it examines the relation between political systems and civil society, identifying the factors that have made civil society relevant for political actors and pointing to a relation of mutual dependence between the associational world and political movements and parties.It is argued that membership in uncivil society organizations is an alternative type of political participation which articulates growing anti-political sentiments, and that the emergence of uncivil society activities is rooted in newly relevant conceptions of social and political life which are anti-modern and based on ascriptive criteria of membership. Uncivil society organizations are classified as racist, nationalist and populist, and characterized as biologically essentialist, or territorially or culturally exclusionist.

After reviewing the emergence of Turkish euroscepticism in the context of the evolution of Turkey-European-Union relations between 1963 and 1999, the paper analyses party and popular euroscepticism after 1999. The Turkish case appears to confirm the Taggart-Sitter thesis concerning the strategic euroscepticism of opposition parties. The exception of the Kurdish nationalists suggests that strategic euroscepticism does not apply to ethnic minority parties. In Turkey there is both "soft" euroscepticism (centre-left parties) and "hard" euroscepticism (nationalist and Islamist parties), the latter usually based on identity. At the popular level, identity euroscepticism revolves around four key issues: national sovereignty; morality; negative discrimination; and Europe's alleged hidden agenda to divide and rule Turkey (the so-called "Sevres Syndrome"). Adapted from the source document.