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The purpose of the study was to construct a picture of the EU's global position in a world defined by the US-Chinese technological Cold War. Morphological analysis has been used to enable a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the technological and social domains. Structured interviews were also used to support the analytical process. The results of the exploration showed a picture of the EU's multi-level technological weakness compared to competing powers. While the EU is not a weak entity, its future international position will depend on the creation of its own technological capabilities and on cooperation with the United States. Both lines of action are subject to multiple risks. Firstly, some aggressive technological developments (such as the plans to place microchips production in Europe) can generate more problems than diversification. Secondly, the EU must extend its work on high-tech (primarily AI) beyond the logic of market regulation and focus on their geopolitical and military dimension. It must also be ready for possible obstacles in cooperation with the United States. The alternative to this track, as the analysis shows, is the technological, and hence the political and economic peripheral status, where two technological superpowers – the United States and authoritarian China will compete. The most negative result for the EU is the status of "digital colony". The paper aspires to be a part of the effort to fill the existing void in the scientific output of Polish social sciences, regarding exploration of the geopolitical dimension of technological progress, especially its impact on EU's position in the new power distribution model, which will be the result of the rivalry between the US and China.

Auf Beschluss des Deutschen Bundestages beteiligte sich die Bundeswehr zwischen 2013 und 2023 an der europäischen Ausbildungsmission in Mali (EUTM Mali). Zehn Jahre stellte die Bundesregierung wichtige Fähigkeiten zum Fortbestehen der Mission bereit, vier Mal übernahm sie durch die Entsendung eines deutschen Generals deren Führung. Gleichzeitig trugen deutsche Entscheidungsträger aber auch wesentliche Beschränkungen mit, die den Erfolg der Mission deutlich erschwerten. Insgesamt konnte die EUTM Mali ihren Auftrag nur teilweise erfüllen. Bei Betrachtung von nationalen Eigeninteressen, die der Entsendung der Bundeswehr vermutlich zugrunde lagen, kann die deutsche Beteiligung dennoch in Teilen positiv bewertet werden.

The present paper presents itself as a comparison between criminal legislation that exist within the EU territory, as well as a theoretical analysis of some criminal law institutions which entails reverberations in the criminal procedural law as well. But these follow-ups go beyond these aspects.
The theoretical steps that were assumed by this paper also knows profound practical implications, thus going beyond the abstract realm of theory and into practice, proving once again how important it is to posses the neccesary knowledge when it comes to compared law and not only that, but also the importance of that knowledge.
The legislator cannot and should not remain indifferent regarding the signaled situations alongside this paper thus imposing the need to straighten, where neccesary, the impossible or contradictory situations.